The activities of pressure groups played a significant role in ushering democracy in Nigeria in 1999. The annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election set the pace for a groundswell of opposition to Nigeria’s lengthy military interregnum. Groups and individuals such as the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), Campaign for Democracy (CD), Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP),Gani Fawehinmi etc touched off a nationwide awareness on the ills of military leadership. From that moment, the influence of non-state actors has assumed a full spectrum. This broad net is attracting different types of players with varying agendas. These actors have posed as a litmus test to the survival and entrenchment of democracy in Nigeria. Past and present democratic administrations struggle to find the right balance between fundamental human rights and freedoms on the one hand, and security of lives and property on the other. Achieving the right mix is always difficult.
As a result of the interplay between government and these actors, power is now distributed in a three-dimensional way. At the very top is the security apparatus firmly in the hands and control of government. The second is the economy, though once in the grabs of the government, now is gradually being transfered to the organised private sector. Since it is proven that government is a bad manager of business. Lastly and by no means the least are the non-governmental organisations, religious groups, terror organisations etc. However, this sector has international reach and links. To assume that managing these three sectors as an easy task will be to over-simplify a complex reality.
The most complex power resource is the military. For a country that has now witnessed the longest multiple political cycles under a democracy, it has become very important to re-professionalise this critical sector to be seen to conform with a democratic setting. The disproportionate use of force by the military against the Shiites which led to a siege on the facilities of the Shiites for more than 24 hours brushed off the good image of this administration, especially as it is perceived to have enjoyed official sanction.
So far the free-market economic system has survived two major onslaughts, namely: the Great Depression of the 1930s and the 2008 economic meltdown. The economic meltdown had dealt murderous blows to Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi and has seen power shift to the left in Greece. Despite several campaign promises by the Syriza in Greece and with a fiery Alexis Tsipras as the head of government, the Bretton Woods has seen through most of its reform programmes. Julius Nyerere’s “Ujamaa” did not work as well. Before them, the collectivisation programme of the former USSR of forcing the “Kulak” did not achieve industralisation as a targeted outcome. Globalisation, as a by product of the free-market economic system, has forced the Middle Kingdom (China) to gradually dismantle barriers to international trade. Inspite of all these shocks, the free-market economic system has proved that there are no alternative systems waiting by the wing to replace it.
Sure, there are lessons for Nigeria to learn from – protectionism has its advantages and limits. Nigeria is gradually moving towards a private sector driven system. Therefore, if Nigeria’s system wants to attract foreign investments, we must set our priorities right. This is where Nigeria got it wrong when the telecommunication sector was privatised. The Nigerian government did not make research and development in our various institutions as one of the focal points of its privatisation drive. That is partly why more than a decade after privatisation, these telcos only promote the entertainment industry. For example, the MTN “Project Fame”, Etisalat’s “The Johnsons”, “Glo Naija Sings”, Glo’s “Dance With Peter Reality TV Show” etc. By this, Nigerians have been taken to a stage of mass consumption of non-durable goods and services without a corresponding purchasing power to sustain it. Is it right to ignore our teeming students of Physics and Electrical Engineering for the entertainment industry? Do we have to wait until when a graduate of physics or electrical engineering could not explain satifactorily what a circuit breaker is before something is done? In South America, priorities were set for Daimler Chrysler to use coconut fibres for their car seats and head rests. This significantly enriched the coconut farmers. Costa Rica had a mutually beneficial relationship with Coca Cola.
The situation could be salvaged. The penalty hit on MTN is just another lease of life. The government can select 6 universities/polytechnics and make this telco giant to anchor its researches with the proceeds of the fine spread over 15 years.
The recent encounter between the federal government delegation and the Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) members was almost a PR disaster. Because there was plenty information but less public attention. Attention rather than information became the scarce resource. And neither of the parties offered to be the cue-giver. Different versions of what transpired between the parties made the public less sympathetic. In an information age, it is about whose story wins-and the story that wins is that the kidnapped girls should be safely returned and re-united with their parents. It is noteworthy to state that the governing APC used the BBOG movement as a platform to mobilise both domestic and international support ahead of the 2015 general elections. Credibility has become an even more important power resource to the governing Party than ever before. The APC must not squander it.
These non-state actors should not be seen in adversarial terms. The government should use its interactions with these actors to increase the country’s attractiveness.
Nuhu Othman
