Those considered as the founding fathers of Nigeria – Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Obafemi Awolowo – were all born before the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates by the British to form Nigeria in 1914. In other words, although they were all born in the territory that later became Nigeria, they were not born as Nigerians because the country did not exist then; in fact, some territories were still not fully conquered or pacified by the colonialists at the time they were born.
Of those three eminent personalities, the only one that had a semblance of national outlook was Dr Azikiwe. He was born in Zungeru in the present Niger State in the north, was educated and had his early career in the west, and he had parents of eastern extraction. Chief Awolowo once described Nigeria as a “mere geographical expression”, not a nation in the real sense; while, in the build-up to Nigeria’s independence when Sir Bello and his group were maligned for substituting “1956” with “as soon as practicable” for the departure of the British, Sir Ahmadu Bello said “the mistake of 1914 is now clear” – he was referring to the amalgamation.
From then, Dr Azikwe subsequently became the first indigenous governor-general and later president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. For the unity of Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello saw the need to go into an alliance with some southern parties known as the Nigeria National Alliance (NNA) for the 1964 election, and died in the service of Nigeria. Chief Awolowo served as No. 2 in the government that fought for the unity of Nigeria when Biafra tried to secede. They all saw the need to sustain the corporate entity called Nigeria. They were leaders with strong organic links to their people and nation.
As we approach the end of this year and the centenary celebration of the amalgamation, there are many indicators which cause a lot of concern. Since the end of the civil war, Nigeria has not lost as many lives as in recent times. No one has been properly prosecuted for these wanton destructions of precious lives, means of livelihood and valuable property. As a signatory to the Rome Statute, Nigeria must remember that both state and non-state actors are liable to be taken to the ICC if the situation continues to be ignored here.
About 10 years ago, the US National Intelligence Council released a report which predicted that if certain variables such as corruption, lack of good governance, decaying infrastructure, and failed institutions continued, Nigeria would collapse by 2015. That report attracted so much condemnation. But, if anyone says your house will catch fire in two days, for instance, the natural thing to do is try to see how you can avoid the fire outbreak. In our own case, we seem to be trying to fulfil that American prediction, which is not even an official US policy.
Due to this popular but misleading perception that America predicted that Nigeria would disintegrate by 2015, the magnitude of corruption has never been this high and this wide. Every day, we read about money missing from SURE-P funds, money stolen from NNPC accounts, depleted money from excess crude account, misappropriated money from ministries and agencies, and outright stealing of crude oil from its source! Many officials also hold dual or multiple citizenships all in preparation for the Armageddon. The notion is that there won’t be any country much less a government to hold them accountable for all this massive stealing of public funds and philandering of public assets.
But by far the greatest threat today is the desperation for power by the political actors. Funds being stolen are said to be for preparation for the next elections. The lacklustre attitude of the government towards punishing corrupt officials is all part of the calculations for the next election. The impunity, insensitivity and indifference being shown by public officials, the use, misuse and abuse of power and offices currently going on – all are geared towards the next elections. In fact, everything is now about taking over or retaining power at all cost by the political actors.
Meanwhile, there is a national dialogue (conference) coming up soon. It is pregnant with a lot of meanings: what type of child it will bear depends on whom you speak to. Some are of the belief that it is an almighty formula that will cure all the nation’s ills and address all our problems. Others are of the belief that a dialogue amidst insecurity, mistrust, corruption and cut-throat competition for power is set to be either a conference of the deaf and dumb or a barbarian parliament where everyone is speaking and no one is listening. Voices of moderation have already been silenced, as mainly anarchists speak in public.
As for the ambition of President Jonathan to go for a third term, having been sworn in twice previously for the same office, it appears those who are handling it are not doing it well. The only thing those supporting him are saying is that since others have done eight years, then Jonathan must also do same. The lopsided federal appointments, the selective implementation of budgets, the total contempt shown by his people to others as well as total incapacity to address all the challenges facing the country are the real issues. Thus, some people are of the belief that if, with all the hostility, arrogance, contempt and hatred being shown to others, Jonathan is nursing the ambition to contest, what will they do by the time he is done with contests?
Thus, the crux of the matter is that President Jonathan has not exhibited the necessary quality expected of a leader of a diverse polity like Nigeria. He has been hijacked by sectional champions with vested interests. He has not been able to generate sufficient national network or outreach outside the former Eastern Region, his home base. He has been unable to be a real Nigerian leader by creating a pan-Nigeria platform, much less a pan Africa outreach like Obasanjo did. That is how he is viewed by many now.
To address the economy, they centralised it under a coordinating minister for the economy who reels out fictitious growth indices. In the name of privatisation, they steal from government to buy government assets. To address the Niger Delta problem, they give billions to a few top militants to buy private jets. For agricultural development, they promote cassava bread, give handsets and reel out dubious statistics. While other parties are busy courting new members, Bamanga Tukur is busy driving away important members from the president’s party, as if they don’t need people’s support to continue in office.
The opposition parties are not faring any better either. They have not been able to cash in on the incompetence of the government and the crisis of the ruling party. They have not been able to articulate an alternative agenda to the one in place now. They have not been able to mobilise or enlighten the people on who they are or what they represent. About a year to the 2015 elections, here lies the dilemma of the Nigerian voters: a terribly mismanaged government and ruling party versus an increasingly terribly mismanaged opportunity by the opposition.
As we approach 2015, the decisive year or turning point, here is the poisonous brew we have as a nation: greedy elite, weak governments, assertive ethno-religious warlords, frightened and fractured civil society, corrupt judiciary, irresponsible legislature, sectionalised political parties, politicised religious clergy and millions of angry, unemployed youth. But, one thing I can bet and am sure of: this cannot continue. History is on the side of the oppressed.
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