Odudu Ukpanah: Beyond The Social Media By Eneh John

As hours gets into days, days to weeks and weeks into months, we look at how far we have pushed the struggle for the Release of Odudu Ukpanah.

As a follow up to my last publication entitled: WEEP NOT FOR ODUDU UKPANAH:THE POLITICAL PRISONER, it smacks rear intelligence for people with very low level of reasoning mentality to try to turn Odudu’s case to an ethnic sentimental issue.

To everyone who has identified with the struggle genuinely, God sees your heart.

We did it before, we won.

We will win in Odudu’s case.

Our enemies will never triumph over us because, for this one, we can count them.

“Eneh,that guy is from ANNANG and you are going to fight for him, you are not even from there.”

The most annoying of all these messages is what i quoted above.

I don’t need to come from Akwa Ibom to identify with a genuine cause.

Just like my friend Fejiro Oliver once said, “the worst form of activism is SELECTIVE ACTIVISM.”

I am charging as many that will read this article, to live above sectionalism.

Live above tribal, religious and political sentiments.

It is the issue of tribalism that has kept some persons where they are today, instead of advancing.

When you are born in a state, grow up in that state, be schooled there, and never go out, it becomes part of the issues to be resolved which centres a person’s mindset around his immediate environment and renders the thinking faculty to a state of PAUSE.

Beyond the social media, Odudu deserves a word of prayer in your closet.

Beyond typing #releaseoduduukpanah on facebook, he deserves our defence beyond the prison walls.

This is a genuine struggle which must be achieved.

Odudu Ukpanah needs us more at this time…

The support for his freedom must not die…
This is not about party affiliations, its about asking yourself, what if i was the one in there?

How will the world have reacted?

Whether you are a Christian or a Muslim, or any other religion, let the burden of this family be your burden.

Because the struggle continues…
Together we will make it happen.


Eneh John is a Journalist and Secretary, Coalition of Human Rights Defenders(CORHD)
E-mail: enehjohn49@yahoo.com


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Before Godwin Emefiele Undervalues the Naira By Nasiru Suwaid

Last week was truly a historic watershed in the annals of the Central Bank of Nigeria, as the apex bank of the largest economy in Africa, when in a single day and without the sitting of the Monetary Policy Committee of the policy institution, the Nigerian naira was ‘technically’ devalued, to climax in the loss of 30% percent its value in a three months period, as the national currency was official sold at N155 to 1 United States of America dollar at the end of last year and by the proclamation of last Wednesday, the 18th of February 2015, the naira was officially pegged at N198 naira to 1 U.S. dollar.

By this decision of the nation’s top monetary policy administrator, the governor of Nigerian central bank, the country’s national currency was officially revalued, thus an automatic devaluation from the former price of N168 naira to $1 U.S. dollar, the price the American dollar was used to be bought and sold at the Retail Dutch Auction Sale market (RDAS). Even though, the Nigerian apex bank has for long being selling the dollar, at a price much closer to the exchange rates at the Interbank Foreign Exchange Market Rates (IFEMR), which is about N171 naira to $1 U.S. dollar.

It is most noteworthy to observe, that it is not only decisions regarding the value of naira which was taken, also, the Nigerian central bank abolished two tier exchange rate system, with the stoppage of the two official exchange formats, the Retail Dutch Auctions Sales (RDAS) and Wholesale Dutch Auction Sale (WDAS) that the government uses to subsidize foreign currency demands of the manufacturing industry and importers of refined petroleum products but which have often being cited as an avenue for disruption and destabilization of the foreign exchange market, because the ‘subsidy’ to the ‘special or essential’ sectors of the economy was mostly abused, through its encouragement of ‘round tripping’ by a few unpatriotic Nigerians.

The poser here is whether it is good economic policy management, to punish a whole sector like manufacturing, because of the illegal actions of a few, more so as, for a country striving to diversify its economy from a single unprocessed product, such as crude oil, economic industrialization is the best approach. Thus, surely, removing such incentive of a cheaper foreign currency acquisition is not the most appropriate way to go, besides, isn’t effective application of the law for foreign exchange offenders a better option.

Looking deeper into the new policies as announced by the Central Bank of Nigeria, first the naira was devalued without the deep introspection and collective input of the Monetary Policy Committee, with the usual reassuring pronouncements that usually emanates from such a meeting and in a market steeped in speculation, such a fact actually helps a lot. More so as, the Nigeria Foreign Reserve has fallen by nearly 25% percent in the past three months, which has stood at $33 billion dollars as at last week, thus with low crude oil prices and a very low foreign reserve, from whence would the national currency attracts confidence, that could make it to trade at higher value against other international convertible currencies.

One confusing aspect of the new policies announced, was the instance where it goes against the nobel fiscal and monetary initiatives of the present administration, which is about the encouragement of non-oil exports sector of the economy, as a source of foreign exchange to the economy, in which an export company is not required to do a foreign exchange rebate. Where the ‘return’ of foreign exchange proceeds of sale of exporting companies is not required, right now, under the new policy, high punitive pecuniary sanctions are to be slapped on companies, that failed to return the proceeds of the sale. The question to be asked, is how do you encourage non-oil sector export, when companies are punished and discouraged from ‘hanging’ on to their own legitimate earnings, also, how would such a reality aid in the diversification of the Nigerian economy from a mono product economy to a diversified multiple foreign exchange earnings based economy.

Meanwhile, the ‘real’ value of the naira at the Bureau De Change (BDC) as well as the black market continues to slide and plummet downwards, that as at the beginning of this week, the Nigerian naira sold for N219 naira to $1 U.S. dollar and most importantly, it is the unofficial exchange market that is determining value for the new Nigeria’s official exchange market at the Interbank Foreign Exchange Market (IFEM) and setting an unsustainable reality that is quite inimical to economic growth, planning and stability.

And this two other things:


Sometimes I often wonder, on what is really wrong with Nigerians, regarding the concept of timing and doing things at the appropriate time. And, it is not just about the individual only, rather, it is inclusive of the other segments of the institutional state, those Ministries, Departments and Agencies which implements government policies in the interest of the people, perhaps, it is the reason why public officers are always required to swore to an oath, that they would never act on the premises of personal ‘gain’, whenever they ascend the throne of leadership responsibility.

Take the Nigerian military as an institution, before now, the narratives by those who should know the organization, and here, I am not referring to the retired rank and file as well as officers corps but the current leadership of the combat defensive agency. For the past few months, it has been a litany of complaints galore, from the wives of soldiers who would barricade an army barracks, in a vain effort to stop the deployment of troops to the warfront, without the fighting men being properly kitted and armed with adequate weaponry.

To the complaining senior officer cadre, who often accuses their junior ones of laziness and cowardice, by going to the media to wash the dirty linen of the institution, leading to the ridiculous extent of a whole Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Kenneth Minimah, that head of a very noble and ‘gentlemanly’ profession, to shockingly but inadvertently advocate for ‘wife beating’, when he threatened to order his men to beat off any woman, who protest the sending of her husband to fight against the insurgents in the North-East.

In fact, the National Security Adviser, Retired Colonel Sambo Dasuki went a notch higher, in the open complaints series and season, when he chose the global eminence and arena of a Chatham House Royal Institute of International Affairs, London, to ‘portray’ the typical Nigerian soldier as a truant vagabond and unserious bunch of indisciplined ranting individual, whose sole purpose for enlisting into the patriotic calling is the monthly pay check only, indeed, it reached the incredible extent, where nobody, not even their most senior commanders, could vouch for their officers competence, capacity and capability.

Now move fast forward to today and the emerging conversational mood of a nation, slowly rediscovering the effective capability of its armed forces, as unlike before, when it is the Nigerian troops, who usually do the tactical withdrawal, upon sighting the highly vicious rebels, as of very recent times, it is the petulantly daring insurgents, who are now making a run for dear life. The question that needs to be asked is what happened to the Nigerian military, that immediately after the presidential and parliamentary polls were postponed, it rediscovered its confidence, was it because necessary weaponry and equipment were procured, to match the promise of a more secure Nigeria, used as a pretext to scuttle the February 14th elections, which made for a series of victories to be recorded.

If a nation facing dwindling revenues like Nigeria of today, could be able to buys arms with lesser resources, how is it that a country that enjoyed economic booms for years, was unwilling to get those military hardware to prosecute a war. Does it mean that the series of open complaints, condemned by the army as subversive mutiny was actually true, mind you, the timeline of five years ago, since the conflict escalated, stood as the difference between the life and death to the tens of thousands of would be victims of the devilish insurrection. What I am trying to ask is whether the war was allowed to linger a while for purely personal and selfish interest.


Generally, no issue has defined the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan as financially irresponsible, than the allegation against the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation for the lack of remittance of crude oil sales, amounting to nearly $20 billion dollars by the then Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (as he then was known). The reason for the wide belief, in the highly indicting assertion is the general credibility of the person who made the incredible claims and the strategic position he occupied, as the principal treasury keeper of the administration.

Thus when such individual makes a claim, it is usually not taken lightly, in fact, it should be investigated by a body with unquestionable integrity, obviously, it must have been the reason, why the Coordinating Minister for the Economy and Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, advocated the usage of the globally certified accounting firm of PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), to audit the account of the national oil company, regarding what was sold and what is remitted unto the coppers of the Nigerian government.

Fortunately for the administration, the foreign firm of forensic expert auditors, have already submitted its report, which the president received a few weeks back and promptly handed it to the Auditor General of the Federation, with a demand on the public officer, to study the report diligently and extract ‘useful’ recommendations, that could aid in the process of having a more accountable oil industry, but first, he must present his findings in a week’s time. However, Mr. Samuel Ukura did not take up to four days, before presenting his discoveries, which is quite uncharacteristic of Nigerian civil servants, when he addressed the press and not the expected Nigerian president, who gave him the assignment in the first place. Where he cleared the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation of all wrongdoings, though accepting that at the very least, the sum of $1.48 billion dollars was not remitted to the national treasury.

It is noteworthy however, the Accountant General of the Federation repeatedly ‘announced’ in the impromptu press briefing, that legally and constitutionally, he is only answerable to the National Assembly. Thus, you would understand my shock and disbelief last week, when the Minority Leader of the House of Representatives, Honourable Femi Gbajabiamila demanded the production of the report, explaining that the house was yet to see the document. The question here is how could a report that is produced to ‘satisfy’ the yearnings of the public, be denied to them as well as their elected representatives and yet the same public is expected to ‘accept’ the grandstanding proclamations in form of unconvincing snippets, clearing the government agency of all forms of financial misappropriation.

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Responding to Soludo’s ‘Buhari vs Jonathan by Sampson Onwuka

This response to Soludo essay ‘Buhari vs. Jonathan; let the real debate begins’ is based in large part on a response to Ernest Simeon Odior covering the chief problems of Nigerian economy and why the gaps in budget and financing will paper out differently with additional shedding of Crude oil price.

Charles Soludo’s recent paper has attracted all kinds of attention including indigent responses from Politicians who’s need to put the essay behind them or drive a force in considering the problems of current political dispensation. It would be important that Lamido Sanusi responded – at least based on those legitimately qualified with experience to do so – be he obviously can’t, he has a pontiff role to perform as the Emir of Kano and as such his comments will be consigned to general reassuring observation, like Shehu Shagari an original pontiff in his own right, the political wright (writ) and arguments from these icons of recent statesmanship and cadre may or may over shadow the thrust of Soludo’s arguments. While both leading parties of PDP and APC may speak volumes about new roads, fire and electricity, – and we have heard this before – airports, running water, and the new themes of Shipyards, Enugu dual bridges, Owello road, Kano and Kaduna dualization, the unfinishable Benin – Ore – Shagamu highway, NMBS and issue of housing authority, the Country really do not have the means and the resources for these projects. To even pursue some of the projects, it was borrow on top of the money it has always borrowed even when there is plenty to spend and when the budgets are ground breaking. This is the rea story, we have enjoyed a period of seeming prosperity not because of the competence of the current administration which he rated economically ‘f’ but because of the inability to meet the needs and promises at his beck and call and the relying on further borrowing may put Nigeria below (BB –) which Charles Soludo for the records achieved in office from D rating. On a purely academic process, we may or may acknowledge the fact the bust of Nigeria Asset class, loss of National property for instance crude oil to hungry idiots from elsewhere are part of the fundamental deals with FDI and long term investment, are insinuations that can be located in Soludo’s use of ‘conditionalities’, to an extent that a short fall in any real market structure; debt to ratio, debt servicing, and return rate due to porosity of currency rate and debasing of currency especially with the chief operating companies in Nigeria overweight on their investment capacitance and commodity, can wipe out in one year, a total life savings of a fixed income earner and benefactor of unemployment compensation including a favorable continued time artificializing of IRS. Many of the Short sales that arrived Nigeria from oversea and from Nigerians with more than one International Repos in Nigeria are like Nigerians themselves betting on the collapse of Nigerian stock exchange which stalled in the last few months and perhaps briefly lubricated with Presidential elections spending. But for how long and to what extent is the spending? Put it different, it leads from Soludo’s arguments and concerns that houses progress made conventionally and unconventionally in Lagos and Abuja is not so much sustainable, that it requires additional national spending to ensure its future, else these buildings will end up in hands of banks that has a stake in driving Nigerian Bond market reverted to project A such as Electricity and Energy supply which Aganga engineered with the help of Goldman Sachs.
To put it bluntly and using my own terms, Nigeria is basically a poor country that need real plans if has any future plans of surviving the current economic depression. In essence, relying too much on crude oil as the only cash crop is not without a finality which the easy money of the last decade leads from false economy to sponsor a future of prosperity even when this is not the case. The nominated projects including problems of housing in my beloved Riverine States, was not overcome during this administration with its easier monetary income. And to every extent, we can maintain our advocating for either essays of Soludo with a response to Odior and from that response to the article as from Soludo we may argue that we are suggesting that the article is not necessarily political, that given the economic conditions of the world presaging the article’s composition, possibly written in December 2014, are ingredients in the global markets such as crude oil price decline. The timing of the composition and publication suggest Soludo’s interest that is not far from politics especially the spent force and energy arguments of GEJ’s official accomplishment and recent linked-in pages.
Sailing above this politically of the responses to Soludo is the issue of the format and intellectual brocade over and around the Zeist of 2015. The critical format of Soludo’s argument and the man’S natural power of delivery is what seem to now divide the country, nesting between the legitimacy of GEJ’s return to office and the images of Buhari with austerity to reckon against backdrop of the end of Shaghari’s administration. The major punch line in his evolving essay and which can be argued from the position of an economist, is the comparison between the Shagari’s later day administration and the rise of crude oil prices which did not end very well with many States still starving and owed back to back salaries. He leaped frog into the problems of the current administration with the intervention of the military in 1983 and why there was the issue of Austerity. In some sense, there is a decline which he was perhaps indicating from the evocation of the 7 point policies of Obasanjo that seem to be a throwback to the past.
A summary of Charles Soludo’s essays is hard to box in, but he is essentially decrying,

(1) the lavish psychology of the country in the years of its boom and why there is need to look at what the country holds for you under the ‘f’ class economic class under these new bishops of Nigerian financial, warranting a reaction from Pat Utomi who went a shade away from ‘consumptive budget’ to questions of spending parallel to New Deal and his Lee Kwan Yew. Sometimes you wander if this man is playing the country towards a socialist ideology, and wonder how fittingly APC resembles socialism or was his endorsement due to Fashola who was proved a lightning rod for APC political stake in Nigeria.

(2) The second denomination of Soludo’s writing is the issue of solution to the problem, which he believe to be necessary given the debt Nigeria sank into when the government shifted from surplus and easy money of crude oil boom from late 70’s through to early 80’s and why Nigeria’s failure in preparing for a possible hard and difficult times is not met with serious and competent economic agenda.

The root problem it’s not the spending or the proposed spending by either parties, or the benevolence to expand the government, we can only guess even from Soludo’s piece that the main event is how to realize the money against the unbundling of new economic realities and demographic. He did not specify how basic economic changes can be reached and met, but seem to suggest that poor administration of the duties of financial ministers and the errors involved in federal accounting process is the major reasons why there is a problem primary to preparedness.

(3) The third principal issue raised by Soludo is the preparedness of both parties, although a response from Governor of Ekiti State Kayode Fayemi attempted to show the policies and plans of APC, Fayemi was ‘flying on engine’ with his comments, especially for a man who has never visited South East for a Start. Some of the APC programs including the promise of creating 20, 000 jobs in every states, are government problem item requiring still another round on spending. PDP to argue has the programs that covers new police equipment, border control and patrol for custom, reformation of the jails in Nigeria* (my favorite) and renovation for 120 Eminent School for high school education, grants, grid system electricity, rehabilitation of health, farm and agriculture, wildlife preservation and fish industries and hatcheries, detective for airports and port security, mines and national park programs, local intelligence corporation using high speed internet and crime support units, employment benefit and improved pension and back to incentives (another favorite), all of these can’t be a single parties cooperative agenda, it is part of the national planning which PDP cannot ameliorate.

(4) The other political item which need not to be rehearsed is the issue of local political bandwagon, with emphasis to arena where Charles Soludo once pursued political interest; Anambra, his commentary on Peter Obi, warranted a vacillating reaction from Anambra Peter Obi who is on his way out or so it seems in Anambra. This point he made in his essay warranted a reaction from Peter Obi’s media consultant Valentine Obienyem, and from this range of group of argument the more thorough issue of economic recovery and economic balance sheet which GEJ is wrestling to overcome showed up differently and remains part of the reactionary tendencies in other people who are looking to be heard.

(5) The problems of accountability where he questioned the missing 30 trillion naira from Nigeria and erroneous administrative measures implored Nigeria’s current finance and economic minister Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, who should or should not be blamed for some of the woes of the country which the ex-governor of CBN mentioned in his essays – perhaps committing in his second essays the same fallacies asLamido Sanusi that injured the operability of a CBN as grudgingly repaired by Godwin Emefiele.

We begin from the end, by citing the issue of corporate finances raised by the authors.

Should the finance and economic coordinator be blamed, the answer is no, not entirely. But it could however be said that specific areas of the economic monetary and capital flights in Nigeria under her administrative belt make her a scape goat and ultimately guilty for the poor and non-existing financial accounts of Nigeria. Perhaps a separation between Economic Coordination should be partition from Nigerian Finance, that both ministries in future should consider a difference between accounting procedures and price penetration of its investment categories.

With advent of military leadership in 1983 under very spurious and questionable circumstances of Buhari and Idiagbon we can enter some of the frayed arguments by Soludo as if from a vintage which only a few Nigerians can access. But this vintage in the years that Soludo was in Nigeria, may or may not have been so precise that Nigeria’s sophistry included the inoculations of Sanusi and at debasement impregnation of Nigeria by Oscar Onyema is a country that is shocking behind many nations of world, to a point that its lack of adjacent philosophical procedure and entailment of business logic, it’s a concern that must not be taken lightly on any account in the country.

Soludo was right that both parties looking to re-enter Nigerian politics were not prepared to deal with the problems that country is having. For sure, he couldn’t have known the difference between economic theories guiding the country if he was in Nigeria, his switch of official positon from neutral and pampering iconoclastic in Nigeria affairs including his reserves on some of his assumptions of future of the country assumed a tidal wave when he was moved to overseas and see what many of us have seen, a country far below its capacity level, and looking to be redeemed.

There is also the questionable character of the current Petroleum Chairperson, who as some people may or may not have known, its over-night one of the richest persons in Nigeria, worth in recent times, billions of dollars. The accounting strategies in Nigerian is way below standards, and the accounting procedure of the existing economic countries of Nigeria is so personal that it is impossible to outdo the Madam Iweala and minister of Petroleum as generally accountable to these problems in Nigerian finances. If one is willing to add….

Paul C Nwabuikwu speaking on behalf of Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, pointed out that during the period in question, Nollywood, Bank Development, NMRC (Nigerian Mortgage Refinance Corporation) were created including the 6 million farmers in Nigeria, all of which requiring government spending. In all reality we could suggest that part of the budget expansion of federal government and the provisions for these new but minor introductions of changes in Nigeria, but may be considered part of fiscal policy and expansion following the….has little or nothing to offer Nigerians and the President saving for issues of….

“On the issue of debt, Nigerians deserve to know the truth and we have said it before. The truth is that the government borrowed in 2010 to pay an unprecedented 53.7 percent wage increase to all categories of federal employees as demanded by labour unions. The total wage bill rose from N857 billion in 2009 to about N1.4 trillion in 2010, and as a result, domestic borrowing increased from N200 billion in 2007 to about N1.1 trillion in 2010 to meet the wage payments. Where was Soludo at the time? Why did he not react to the borrowing then? Was it because he wanted to pander to labour in preparation for his political career? (Nigerian Eye, January 28th, 2015) …..

In Madam Iweala’s words, “an embittered loser in the Nigerian political space” that is “so derailed” to “commit intellectual harakiri by deliberately misquoting economic facts and maliciously turning statistics on their head to justify a hatchet job”. Whereas the madam cannot justify her position on Soludo on any count and for any reason, this position is ultimately wrong. She seems to fail to deal with some of the numbers in Soludo’s message than arguing from a general point of view. From a general point of view, the argument seems to give her general defense mechanism, yet in all, the mechanism she implies is faulty to a certain extent. For all we can suggest and speaking with her general point of view without in this case indulging Soludo’s point, we can point out that Soludo’s essays mentions that an increase of crude oil prices occurred between $40 a barrel during his time reaching $60, to a $100 a barrel until fairly recently.

He used a leverage to enter the argument of Shehu Shagari where he insisted that the boom in crude oil did not guarantee employment or full employment, and from all accounts, the problem of employment may be rooted in the disbursement process to these workers in the States whose wages were not paid in spite of the boom and as such fixed and resources allocation took a beaten and was not fully met and guaranteed. Shehu Shagari problems were not necessarily patriotic – he was and still one of the thoroughbred of Nigerian politics and Pan African West African – he’s was the problem of corruption hence a correlation between his administration and the current oil swelling and easy money administration of our current President Goodluck Jonathan. In Charles Soludo’s words,

“For comparisons, President Obasanjo met about $5 billion in foreign reserves, and the average monthly oil price for the 72 months he was in office was $38, and yet he left $43 billion in foreign reserves after paying $12 billion to write-off Nigeria’s external debt. In the last five years, the average monthly oil price has been over $100, and the quantity also higher but our foreign reserves have been declining and exchange rate depreciating.

“My calculation is that if the economy was better managed, our foreign reserves should have been between $102 –$118 billion and exchange rate around N112 before the fall in oil prices. As of now, the reserves should be around $90 billion and exchange rate no higher than N125 per dollar.”

We can loosely argue for and against both engineers of finance and two time GEJ cabal; Cabal Madam Okonjo Iweala and Bishop Charles Soludo who is defining the generic, the political dogma. These two may or may not have been primus inter pares of Nigerian economy, or political Irokos defining a party’s agenda, whereas a party is just a social and political gang engaged in civil party and leadership right, it is a back seat or so it seems for an oval office or political appointment of import.

The point is that quantity of currency or quantity of money in expansionary market policy seems to show that there is a deficiency gap in considering a digital money, slightly different from Credits cards and Debit cards, to psychologically discourage the tendency to spend or expenditures with respect to Robert Mundel and Harry Johnson, who see the relationship between purchase and balance sheet economic unraveling as similar to expenditure or study of expenditures, which are necessary for improving aggregate demands but do not have to toe the lines of John Keynes even though he should be absorbed of the comparison and shadowing in of his monetary policies by Harry Johnson who see Keynes as fatal example of old forms of economic theories. But in the context of quantity of money given the mindset of Fisher and his MV = PY, Friedman’s MV (f.) (Money velocity, compared to Friedman’s money supply, may show that the two angles on both equations should emphasis quantity of money where price theory is reversion to what we have. And in the programs endorsed by the Bishop Charles Soludo, Emir Lamido Sanusi, OBJ,Cabal Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and GEJ, were leading expansionary government programs, need to emphasis the spurious impact on the country through its core inflation.

Madam Ngozi Iweala also made the comments that “Soludo has shamelessly pandered to so many past leaders that Nigerians are asking one more time – what position is Soludo gunning for now?”, the comments stem somewhat from elsewhere and in the middle of this somewhere it’s an unfinished affair of Soludo exiting from office, since the opening accounts of Soludo’s piece emphasis that he was not courting official position or seeking political office. His statement may be political tossed as a warranted disclaimer for reasons of ulterior motivations or foreseeing hints of political tuning, may also be considered a throw off and false advertising of some measure but the heat in the argument is in its seriousness….may be reduced to a form of adhominem which the statement essentially assumes to mitigate, for all intent of reason, the Madam had her reasons for inserting damaging castigations although as a noble intellect, but such castigating it’s like her serving a bad apple at the beginning of good buffet. Nigerians are starving believe or not does not mean Soludo’s argument is right, Nigeria may lack political agenda does not mean they are not essentially prepared. It is not the so called Federal Government to provision for the rest of the Country piecemeal to deliver an economy that protects all asunder, it is up to the country as a unit to development its financial and literary capacities and force a tentative change.

Madam Ngozi Iweala argued that, “There is definitely an issue of character with Prof. Charles Soludo and his desperate search for power and relevance in Nigeria. Nigerians should therefore beware of so-called intellectuals without character and wisdom because this combination is fatal,”, it is a fair and faraway argument which we can understand from a different premise, that Ravi (2007) delimited cycles of inflation “And of an economic slump is triggered by inflationary pressures, monetary expansion begets escalating inflation without curing the recession.”

“When interest rates fall, bond prices move in the opposite direction. So bond investors reaped huge gains. However, elderly retires suffered greatly, because many of them live on their interest incomes which plummeted.” Commodity futures… Investment as structure is not a new argument; it is a reasonable argument used by a Ravi to check of the Capitalist tendencies of actual world

For if this is true, we can see the difference between Friedman and Fisher, since Velocity argued from its impact on interest rate can be considered money, where interest rate which as Ben Bernanke mentioned is price, therefore interest rate and funds rate is rate of money and its velocity is concomitant to the argument about the supply of money – my demand cave – and probably attributable to the early levels or stage of the rates and flows of money in action, the M1, that at end of flow, there is a new level of quantity of money theory that straddle between M1 and M2, which is the path created by the expansion or contraction as the underlining securities and how well it stays with the return of money; the derivative, that the end of flow of rate of money, there is a diminishing of the correlation between the rate of money and velocity to the money in circulation which is not exactly knowable.

Therefore one function which Soludo’s argument did not perform is the rate of money and its relevance to price, beginning at the receiving end of the flow and velocity of bull-like easy money to a bear period with finagling and penchant for claw back. For if we consider that the scalar and vector quantity is added to the first rate of monetary expansion and the upside it’s in inflation, there is a tendency to mitigate inflation through a fund’s rate that can be achieved from interest rate preceding a future money actions by Federal Reserves or Central Bank, such that the conditions of money to expire its flow is Sound Money, whereas the flow measured from a period of spending may not necessary smoother out, it is Stable money.

The price of product or manufacturing than the quantity of money redeemed by inflation or inflationary pressure, although by price theory, these paths cross each other only if we explain it through M2 as equal to the supply of money, and by nominal interpretation will create a bad receipt for expansionary path of a final product increasing a central bank expansion, and the propensity to leverage a system ; that a such propensity increases derivatives and options as opposed to the path suffered from M2 in explicating velocity where sharp difference exist, which will argue that sensitive inflationary conditions nominally decreases a propensity to leverage an underlying security or cave a derivative.

What we may argue also is that the conception is only good on paper, since in real life, people tend to take more risk when there is little chance of profit and not the other way round. The only explanation to this is what I tend to offer, that as much fixed rates are in US linked to US Government bonds perhaps the case in Europe and housing numbers and mortgage linked to fixed income without necessarily torching permanent money.

It constitutes trade deficit which is just as similar and the same as car parts. The flooding of Nigerian economy and market with foreign paper, which were not redeemed through direct investment rather redeemed through public and private acquisition of shares, means by numbers you lock out the local investors who are still cheap, cherishing but perishing the new integration of their economy through the internet.

In the words of Soludo, we infer the following, “The economy roared to average yearly growth of 7% between 2003 and 2007 (although average monthly oil price under his regime was $38), and poverty dropped from estimated 70% in1999 to 54% in 2004. Obasanjo was his own coordinating minister of the economy and chairman of the economic management team— which he chaired for 90 minutes every week. I met with him daily. In other words, he did not outsource economic management.

We expected that the next government after Obasanjo would take the economy to the next level. So far, we have had two great slogans: the 7-point agenda and currently, the transformation agenda. They remain empty slogans without content or direction.”

Pat Utomi, (Feb 1st, 2015) compared Soludo’s argument to Deeprak Lal and between quantitative easing…“Soludo’s solutions sometimes sounded like Deepak Lal on the poverty of Development Economics. I think that if we see current oil price slum as an opportunity rather than a threat then we have to see a role for government in the way Lee Kuan Yew used state intervention when Singapore was prostrate in 1965, as Nigeria is today.” What Pat Utomi, Peter Obi, missed so far from his argument, is the comparison between the Obasanjo’s 7 point policies with IMF transition strategy from Government based production units to private business and by private handlers.

Break it down…

ECOWAS; Economic Community of West African States began it full swing in 1979, set against the cultural unity of Expo ’77, West Africa, braced the region for a future which includedsingle currency money – at the chief argument of the commentators and chosen heads from the exposition in TOGO, but did not incorporate the price of that economic banter, for instance, debt across the border, problems of credit and the issue of acceptance in the Global economy.

We need here to rehearse some of the teachings and assumptions in this piece that one, Nigerian Oil Subsidy,ECOWAS; Economic community of West African States, Government policies driving currencies, SAP; Structural adjustment programs, WAI; War against indiscipline, Better life Program, 1986 Austerity Measures, Privatization Scheme, Removal of Crude oil Subsidy have all come and gone but IMF has still tied the country’s future to these schemes and to Debt that don’t count as a credit and has forced Nigeria and some West African countries downward with its policies, policies that even a progressive third world economy like Nigeria, can no longer absorb.
In Nigeria and in West Africa these days, we hear of the ‘Millennium Development Goals’‘Privatization Schemes‘, ‘Balance of Payment’,‘Austerity Measures’ (removal of oil subsidy), ‘Foreign Direct Investment’,IDAsFDI; Foreign Direct Investment’,‘Debt Crisis’, but all of these are IMF measures which Nigeria that is U.S centered has no real party. But these Schemes exist today and part of the Obasanjo’s 7 point policy and part of Nigerian politics and part of the Nigerian running of their plans for BETTER LIFE. It involves a kind of budget expansion which the switch in the process essentially combines for the best of the process or transition from the process.

The problem with this budget expansion is the issue of long term investment, the Vanilla for instance that Oscar Onyema was selling to Nigerian and Foreign Investors, and the attention to long term bond that NEPA, GEJ and Aganga (the other bishop) of GEJ’s financial starship were marketing to the world could not have survived the heavy and overlooked price pressure from bank stocks given the debt to investment which forex normally stall, or given the widening gap of Nigerian economic depression or newly privatized economy based on their local rate of return other than Gross Domestic Product which adds FDI to it as opposed to VAR and housing index.

The debt to investment will stall and will continue to widen and Nigeria will never get to it or get over it. To understand the problems of a third world transitional processes involving in leading a local economy from poor urban environment to a more technology based economy, we need to demarcate between the issues of GDP and GNP which due to additional foreign investment, widens, excretes good numbers to the rest of world, rebase, or debased processes, but above all, it is a paradox of the local economy….

This better life the case of Argentina and Mexico, like Brazil of the 70’s and Korea of 70’s will not be achieved under these programs that are run by IMF. Part of these measures is that it leads to something when benefitting, and we are tempted to ask how can a transition from one program to another take place, for it seems that the process of Free Trade agreement exercising itself in Europe and now the North America operates, usually leads to the lands of regional exchange and single currency. Not before the wasting and rubbishing of the local currency and economy making it easier to penetrate or exploit. In proper light, the measure at work is similar to EU, compared from every angle; it is similar to the future ideas of regional government and higher penetration of existing Companies.

Nigerians has been forced to blend in to the fact that there is a New World Money Order called Euro. There is nothing wrong in accepting the doctrines of European Union and it does not seem that the policies pursued by Europe are as bad and misleading policy. Yes, some versions of the policies are desperate conceived for Third World economies or whatever name that is applicable and in terms of the quality of European Economy and its no-grow economy, these IMF programs and loans are very not called for and are basically predisposed to debtors damages.

The trick of this process is that a poor execution procedure in narrating Harry Johnson’s account from the new reality of Mundell regional currencies, give and take on one critical aspect of all these schools and perhaps why the systematic argument of the quantity theorist may not fully apply unless as I mentioned from Western Union and Currency wars, that the a single in all its measure of economic value is also a market quantity.

Needless to say that their book raised several questions about the illusions of West Economic Society and NIE ‘New International Economic Order’ as derived from Europe, questions it did not answer, perhaps better explicated as questions which did not exactly converted for answers. But from the defense pact and from policies prodded by individual Government in West Africa, it seems common sense that the business structure between these West African countries was likely to change or expected to change, so also the structure and business of its local Community and Nigeria is not different. What have witnessed in the last decade or so is that the paper currency and the call for a new Nigeria and West Africa are actually hijacked by private interest from all and asunder.

A short précis of Pat Utomi and Madam Ngozi Nkonjo Iweala (II)

The economic fiber of Nigeria was rubbished by cell phone application of process, for if I for one, made the argument in New York in 1998 during a small NITEL meeting trying to attract business that the future of Nigeria was cell phone industries not land lines based on the report of cell phone successes in the Low lands of EUROPE or Nordic circle where land lines could reach. A new APP on Africa was also launched and it showed original studies on the need for high tech over low tech even for the once the locals couldn’t afford. It was therefore a waste of time to pursue land lines when the means of communication that made it possible its easier through cell phones. In addition to these ideas, Motorola was making its presence felt in Lagos and to some extent in many parts of Nigeria. Another unraveling of the new age economy of these Nigerians was their film industries which stunt in quality with a shift from….

The rest is history which is perhaps in-gathering like Weather Conditions, and many of us may wry a smile since the devastation did not leave us amused at the beginning and may be seen to have completely given the high price and pernicious prices Nigerians were forced to pay for a

I seem not to regret that the industries which are so emphasized will pose this unconventional inflationary pressure and problems in Nigeria. We may argue that the prices of cell phones are lower than ever, but Transcorp which Obasanjo and Iweala including Soludo brought to Nigeria, were so private and privatized that they are probably part if not majority owners of this International conglomerates that acquired NITEL for pennies. From Transcorp we indulge half the argument raised by Soludo and half the issue meted out by Iweala and from the sidewalk of price and price theory, it becomes easier to see why the problems a country like Nigeria is experiencing and why the world – or in this case Soludo should take note in estimating the effects of State imposed transition from State controlled production units to private hands and management in any local economy.

For if we apply some measure of financial processes to this example, we notice the irrational and the human side of money and self-preservation at the center of this privatization scheme. No true economic hitman or woman will fail wring the neck of these noise making Nigerians and without their knowing it if the seating Government such as Obasanjo and his compeers will be enticed to a 7 point strategy and they will fail. The dark side of such a scheme is that Upper House Theater is created, a vacuum system is generated and by selling a mere idea that moves business into your hands as the seating president or governor, will compel you and your company to defend this upper house problems of price theory. In terms of the rubbishing of Nigerian economy in the earlier years of the cell phone industries for a start, it is the price of supporting your lifestyle in Nigerian that suffered the most.

With direct protection of these areas of business which was part of the so called 7 point, you offer these mercenaries all the materials they need to essentially rob your country and fleece it dry. Look at differently and not to digress, many companies that made money from Nigerian Telephone industries moved their resources elsewhere almost every month. South Africans made more money from Nigerian cell phones that all the Nigerians companies put together, and these companies charged and bilked Nigerians rejoicing almost detrimentally of their new found connection that they forgot that the resources where already existing, the only that needed to be done, was authorized a protection by the federal government usually when a transfer of power from, military to democratically elected offices take place, and the rest of the reaping was a second matter.

We cannot push the indelicacy of this hit economy called Nigeria to Petroleum, for if we care to look at process involved in emasculating the OPEC out of its control of Nigerian Oil block, or the processes involved in breaking down some of the congestion with Shell which Halliburton did, leaving Exxon-mobile in charge of Nigerian resources many oil well South-South of the Country and the boundaries with Cameroons, we find that the profit which are touted from this process of resource allocation to federal purse, are no longer easy to demonstrate and are in fact out of control.

Recently, GEJ asked every group drilling and bunking crude oil from off the continental shelf of the Riverine areas to disembark their boats or have it blown to bits and he did. We measure however that even with the rise of the crude oil prices to 100 per barrel, and Nigeria removing itself cyclical crude oil subsidies; meaning, Government has to subsidies on the price of crude oil as a way to easy off the problems of inflation which a rise of crude oil prices or even a market level perorate prices entering public consumption creates the problem of continuous disequilibrium —-usually private decision function based on price theory—-but in time past, with hard and fast military whose corruption was not something dissimilar, the country was paying too much and essentially wasting it as opposed to saving some of the money for latter day or macro government (increasing consumption budget) by definition, which Madam Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, argued in the interest of Nigeria and fattening the saving purse of the treasury, which in the end, may lead to more government spending than the unconventional tactics of inflation control.

For a point, this subsidies are probably not necessary yet on the same point, removing the subsidies is torturing the bond market, which naturally offload investment from long term comfort and sustainability to short term – placing a separate funk on the Stock market, whereas momentum shift the emphasis of growth to paper currency, shadow banking and inflation in the country especially at the time of easy money. We may also come to understand the shift at this level occurs when a housing number shoots ahead other CPI measures in the country.

For if we care to look at the poverty level in the Nigeria, we may notice a bipolar trend, one, a shrink of populist idea of poverty; there are more Nigerians with houses than ever and more Nigerians with cars than and cell phone to booth, but the laxity of economy survey gives way to more problems overall economic growth which is implosion of Nigerian mid class and shocking debasing of its quality of life.

In some sense, most Nigerians are actually starving from even the most available of resources than ever before, yet compared to poor examples of market resources like we have in Lagos and we have in Abuja with oversea dumping of resources in Nigeria more than anytime, you are likely to accept there is emergence of a 1% population in Nigeria with all the money which will not buy much still, and the big gulf of proper and green market in Nigeria given the deepening crisis which is gradually coming.

In spite of the write off of Nigerian debt under Obasanjo which Soludo maintained in his essay, and the swelling of resource allocation and sovereign wealth, property from all asunder including the increases of crude oil prices swelled the chances of inflation. GEJ to be sure administration actually owes the world dangerous amount of money and in terms of Soludo argument, outside the issue of Sound money. In terms of NEPA which are said to be privatized very soon, who idea that was is not clear, the price of protecting the inflation and not the output of Electric energy, for they could not save enough or realize to even ensure the health of an economy, in spite of

The question is not transition from government owned industries to private business during which a country experiences its highest changes and churn off more business and economic harvest than ever. We take an instance the issue of privatization from many parts of the Global Macro applies also in Nigeria, may therefore be leading the suggestion that with the advent of free trade in some parts of the world for instance the NAFTA, allays the fears of Soludo assuming we bump him up on his argument, for when privatization in Europe and in North America reached a deciding and critical level, the new owners of the business gradually began to shift to debt and rate of return.



“Today, the combined domestic and external debt of the Federal Government is in excess of $40 billion. Add to this the fact that abandoned capital projects littered all over the country amount to over $50 billion. No word yet on other huge contingent liabilities. If oil prices continue to fall, I bet that Nigeria will soon have a heavy debt burden even with low debt to GDP ratio.

“His record on the economy is a clear ‘F’ grade”

“One of those present took the satire to some level by comparing Jonathan to the ‘performance’ of the former Governor of Anambra, Peter Obi. He noted that while Obi gloated about ‘savings’, there is no signature project to remember his regime except that his regime took the first position among all states in Nigeria in the democratization of poverty—- mass impoverishment of the people of Anambra. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, poverty rose under his watch in Anambra from 20% in 2004 (lowest in Nigeria then) to 68% in 2010 (a 238% deterioration!).


Pat Utomi…..

“This leads to another point I am not in agreement with Soludo on. He talks about cost of programs and the fact that low oil prices mean you cannot finance a big idea. In 1965 Singapore’s main revenues came from rent for the British Naval Base and the British had decided to shut all bases east of Eden. The decision of leaders of the United Malay, National Organizational (UMNO) to eject Singapore from the Federation that was thought to be the only hope left.”

“Let’s ask people, regarding incumbents, is your life better today than it was four years ago and to the challengers how can you make these same lives much better four years from now. (?)”

“To win elections from intimidation, a shower of insults and trying to diminish opponents rather than engage their minds can only produce Pyrrhic victory. The worst such “victory” would be to win an election and lose a nation through bitterness that makes it difficult to get people to work together to advance the shared good of the people. For people like me the public sphere is about the pursuit of the elevated immortality.” (Vanguard News February 1st, 2015)

The main event of the problems associated with the 1920’s and the Age of Depression is whether or not equilibrium is possible with the changes in GDP as opposed to having full employment, and can inflation occur when there is full employment? In one Nutshell, we can reduce the question to this standard Virginia University ‘Portable MBA’ asked a question, “Is it possible to have an equilibrium at some level of GDP other than full employment, and is it possible to have inflation at a level of GDP below full employment” Keynes argument that in order to ‘stimulate the economy’ there’s need for the government to intervene to improve aggregate demand through ‘expansionary’ fiscal and monetary policy, was derived from his thesis that depression in the world was due to insufficiency of Demand, that a sort of deflation essentially took place in U.S of the 30’s and such there’s need for more government spending.

But this theory mainly works in a nearly successful economy like U.S of the 20’s and 30’s, and Europe sometime later. In a country like Nigeria, a theory of munificence through spending has little or no merit unless we admit to ourselves that the country has been a Depression or simply a form of crisis. In fact it could be disastrous to prove will have the country towards a fulfilled future if does not. It is therefore economic bias to suppose that as such Government spending was a way to push towards full employment, which in turn improves the resources of the buying crowd.

It is true that Keynes Identified ‘insufficient demand’ as the reason why there was general fall in prices, wages, and it is quite clear that he may have identified a problem associated with the ‘demand’ hence the supply of financial resources if need be was important. Insufficient demand is not the problem in Nigeria. It is however possible that Keynes identified a problem and not the problem. If this theory applies to recovery, then recoveries involve useful government spending then, Keynes was mainly been notional about the macro implications of his theory. However separated from these theories is the plain fact of a single currency over a broadest possible extent, could it be that the changes that govern investment is left to the agreement possible demands or the largest portions of any society having some access to the
However, the theory of Aggregate Supply and Demand is a remedy for economic recovery and as such only ‘probably’ good for recovery – even though the theory is applied everywhere and for every occasion. What is the economic theory?

This theory does not help our understanding on how to grow in any economy; the most important aspect of any economy is growth. In essence we are left with what really happens when any nation on earth is meeting expectations but experiencing a growth problem like Europe? Or, when a country is not meeting expectation but also growing like in Nigeria. That latter is a sample of a sluggish economy and sluggish economy often lead to a breaking of economic structural and then a country leans to old and proven theories as a way to recover. There is the spending or the expansion of the Nigerian Government, and it is common sense that inflation and foreign direct investment gives the impression that you are growing, and a cut back on spending which usually follow, could be a symptom signaling a further dive into depression


In a separate treaty on the Nigerian economy by Ernest Simeon Odior and the dollarization of Nigerian naira look forward to role of foreign denominator in a local economy and how it promulgates inflationary pressure. Some of his outstanding examples can be said to have defined the premise that facts from examples as the examples between arguments made about the use of dollars or foreign currency such as the British pounds makes the formidable case that their presence in any and under any exercises of trade exchange, only led the buyer from the centrality of its unit of exchange to other market forces dictated by price and currency, enhancing the departures from currency or encouraging lack of confidence in major domains often create additional gaps in the money market spreads hence incur real inflation rate on the buyer and the economic disequilibrium.

In limelight, we might consider that speaking about manufacturing with the kurtosis of 0.5 or 0.05, is reasonably ambitious – may or may not necessarily apply to Soludo’s argument or inferred from the noise of expanded national budget or the decay and collapse of decision function of the individual buyer whose main strength is the currency, a case now deplorable given the copulation of Nigerian Naira to U.S dollars and to a large window, given the excision of these facts from other academic exercise on finance and money draw new bloods on the merits and demerits of having a naira in Nigerian denominator which hardly afford much in spite of the increased and improved GDP.

If we care to push the business beyond the corridors of Nigerian politics, there is something to learn from even the more careful cases of African American communities, that a possible colonization of Nigeria through financial resources when there are branching to the best of world and making China visible to US and the West is actually possible. A constant and gradual erosion of the local businesses especially in areas with the least attention, force progress to yield backwards and Nigeria may have its days reduced to financial accounting and debt servicing even when they are leading the world in West African market. It is a harsh reality that nearly took Mexico to a different in 1980’s through to the early parts of 2000’s, that even with new and enhance business from Mexico in United States, especially in California and Texas, there is a still serious gap, serious income gap between a FDI and local workers that perish at the treadmills at border crossing.

Do not say Nigeria is above it, it is a careful study of Mexico and its cultural hiatus from colonial arrival of Spaniard through the attempted destructions of these institutions by the Pancho Villa and the revolutionaries; Emil Zapata to mention, and new growth of Mexico has some changes been wrought on the old empire, yet the subsistence economy of the past is still very possible, whereas Nigeria which has been around as much old the continent under different names and languages may or may not have rooms anymore for such society, yet the price of free market comes with that the manufacturing is not the same as production is not small misplacement of Economics, that the initially position of the manufacturer or manufacturer index could indicate its origins by the levels of free trade between separate Nations of interest and perhaps nothing else.

The professor looks to show that CPI and interest rate may adequately help disequilibrium of private interest, but we are certain that this point is either too general to the land of reasonable point of view with bearing that the total view from the main point assayed by the author is leading but missing from his piece is that all financial products, all behavioral activity of the consumer are final products duct-tape to demand and hence price from disequilibrium, and not supply which is industries which is advantage from supply /pricing towards equilibrium. It is common sense that CPI cannot easily beset interest rate in spite of frisson effect, that Anambra’s poverty centrality may be a factor based on Asia influence than the problems of weak economic agenda in Nigeria.

It may seem that the ends of rates is to perform the buying functions of demand equations, ends, if not the whole essence of rates is therefore averse for offload unwanted momentum (propensity) from a stock of real interest and not through the classic variable on aggregate demands. As such the question and the issue of Soludo’snegative result from budget expansion is bipolar of its definition since Nigerians though struggling are also making some progress. On a more original contrarian position, which echoes the rest of the piece is that Nigeria asked to perform an equation almost too quickly. One of the few better things that Madam Ngozi Okonjo Iweala has manufactured as minister of finance is the issue of sovereign wealth fund investment, which took a while to enter into a process, it is a process that Nigerians would not have missed anywhere in the world.

Ernest Simeon Odior’s Journal of Emerging Issues in Economics, Finance and Banking (JEIEFB) an Online International Monthly Journal (ISSN: 2306 367X) Volume: 1 No.5 May 2013. Citation from Ernest Simeon Odior – Dept. of Economics; University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos NIGERIA ‘Macro-economic variable and the productivity of the manufacturing sector in Nigeria; A static analysis approach’ , where the focus of his writing it’s the story of Nigerian Industrial weight from 1975 through 2011 did not point to Crude oil as incentive, not that it mattered, did not indicate the number of industries in Nigeria from 1975 through to very recent times that needed efficient energy system or where enhanced with new realities of energy and crude oil.

“This implies that, the adjustment coefficient (ECM) or the speed of adjustment of MAP if deviated from its long run equilibrium is 0.04, while the intercept term still is positively related in the long run (13.10). Also the error correction estimate equation shows that the long run behavior of Exchange Rate (EXR), road Money Supply (M2) and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) appear to have negative relationship in adjusting to long-run disequilibrium given the ECM value and that the long run behavior of Consumer Price Index (CPI), Interest Rate (INT), Credit to the Manufacturing Sector (CMS) appear to have positively relationship to the adjust to long-run disequilibrium given the ECM value. Since the magnitudes of some coefficients are large, these…..”

Robert E. Lucas, Jr. Prize Lecture, December 7, 1995, MONETARY NEUTRALITY, University of Chicago, USA, “The central predictions of the quantity theory are that, in the long run, money growth should be neutral in its effects on the growth rate of production and should affect the inflation rate on a one-for-one basis. The modifier “long run” is not free of ambiguity, but by any definition the use of data that are heavily averaged over time should isolate only long run effects. Figure 1, taken from McCandless and Weber (1995), plots 30 year (19601990) average annual inflation rates against average annual growth rates of M2 over the same 30 year period, for a total of 110 countries. One can see that the points lie roughly on the 45-degree line, as predicted by the quantity theory. The simple correlation between inflation and money growth is .95. The monetary aggregate used in constructing Figure 1 is M2, but nothing important depends on this choice. McCandless and Weber report a simple correlation of .96 if Ml is used, and .92 with M0 (the monetary base). They also report correlations for subsets of their 110 country data set: .96 (with M2) with only OECD countries; .99 with 14 Latin American Country.”

This argument on the neutrality of money shows a kind in economic synthesis that directly influenced by the quantity of money people, Friedman and Company, for a gentleman Lucas, Jr. who argued that maintaining Welfare society is much more expensive than sponsoring free trade and industries, it looks like the emphasis on 30 year was referencing a VAR housing numbers which does take into account the negative bias of inflation numbers, a smart argument and sensible, perhaps a correlation between Stanley Fisher, Ben Bernanke, Lawrence Summers, quantity without the endogenous and self-repairing economic factors which is free from resistance such as long term housing numbers affected by APR’s current rate, whereas Bank’s interest rate is not useful denominator and what was a better interpretation of Friedman.

This fact is excessive and the figures only highlights the seemingly obvious, that excessive presence of foreign denominator easily mitigates on any local market, and it looks to arrive its final impact on the buying power of any private (individual) or in disequilibrium, since it can only be the case from a negative balance sheet, that the final impact of social decision is depended on budget, perhaps meeting a rational economics which makes and breaks exogenous mode lines and endogenous exposition or shocks. For debt is generated endogenous from a system, but returns on investment is an exogenous shock. Between the essential variable of shocks and auto-repair regression or VAR which does not apply to housing.

The debt as investment becomes a different matter when it travels through a fiscal policy. The main is the execution of the process which is the cog in wheels of progress for many economic communities and Nigeria as well. A transformation of the infrastructure can be achieved through a yearly budget especially when the demand on cash crops in the International Market does not create…. Part of Krugman’s Great Unraveling is how the interruption of classic expansion through budget was mitigated by the exceptional aggregate propensity best informed from the arguments of Keynes concerning the very knack of US struggles for New Deal away from Walter Bagehot of the 1870’s. By premise if not by total recall, we are looking to advertise that the whole measure of regression used by the Odoir as from the original intent at marginal utility (‘Macro-economic variable and the productivity of the manufacturing sector in Nigeria; A static analysis approach’) measured or metered from any standard deviation of any industrial market(?), in this case Nigerian Industrial 1975 – 2011, looks to impose that a tipping point is visible through this period, where the behavior dynamics of consumption or consumptive behavior differs sharply enough ….Therefore speaking of credit to industries or credit to industries as a way to enhance manufacturing (?) we are not so general and comprehensible that individual interest in transform is easily incorporated into a general interest to national and overall interest by way of Banks.

“Credit to the manufacturing sector has the potential to increase the level of manufacturing output as long as the demand is targeted towards Nigerian manufactured goods as more money is made available to the industries to produce more. The policy implications is that there are basic structures that must be put in place for Nigerian manufacturing sector to obtain higher productivity, loans and advances has the capacity to sharply increase the level of production if only credit lines.”


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Buhari-The True Democrat Nigerians Don’t Know By Yusuf Maitama Tuggar @YusufTuggar

I have to begin this by coming clean and declaring my conviction in democracy. I fully subscribe to the notion that democracy is better than dictatorship- military or otherwise- starting with the simple reason that it is more legitimate. In a democratic system, people choose leaders to represent them in government through agreed upon procedure- an election. In a dictatorship, however, such leaders are forced upon them through a process that lacks general consent and with little or no input from the citizens of a country. When military coups occur, only a handful of uniformed men sit in a room to decide who becomes the Head of State. But even in the worst democracy, there is the need to show the participation of the citizenry in choosing their leaders. This provides an avenue for self corrective mechanisms that often do not exist in dictatorships; a constitution, periodic elections, a legislature, independent judiciary, political parties, freedom of speech and civil society organizations. The need for public support to survive elections ultimately forces civilian regimes to allow these corrective mechanisms to function freely, which in turn brings an end to rigged elections, abuse of the rule of law and bad governance. There are no such long-run opportunities in a dictatorship, as those ruling continue to try and perpetuate themselves in power, through a suspended constitution, no question of elections, absence of representative legislatures as a separate arms of government, constant meddling in court rulings and verdicts, non-existence of competing political parties and crackdowns on independent media and proscription of civil society organisations.

Nigeria’s independence in 1960 came at a time when the world was going through a revolutionary fever. Young men in the military had little patience for the slow workings of representative democracies and wherever they looked, there were examples of how army officers had overthrown civilians through military coups in an attempt to fast track their countries to development in defiance of what they considered neo-colonial contraptions to run African states on behalf of former racist masters. In the bipolar world of that era, some subscribed to communist ideologies as the panacea. Without holding brief for many who came of age and whose world view was shaped during that era, they believed it was their duty to serve as catalysts in dismantling the shackles of colonial bondage, liberating Africa by picking up arms if need be and using state control of the economy to industrialize their countries. This idealist trend continued until the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and in Nigeria up to the death of General Sani Abacha when it became obvious to all and sundry that “corrective” military regimes had a tendency to derail and turn into sit-tight dictatorships that were worse than civilian administrations. International pressure was equally brought to bear on such regimes after the cold war, in the absence of an eastern bloc alternative or a western bloc prepared to look the other way while they committed atrocities upon their citizenry, in order to gain an edge over ideological and military rivals.

Born in 1942 and only 18 years of age at Nigeria’s independence, Muhammadu Buhari was no different from the other idealistic young men and women influenced by the post Second World War political currents. To expect him not to be would be to expect adolescents today not to be influenced by Twitter, Hashtags and Facebook. But in my opinion, some of them came out of that era wiser, more tolerant and even more patriotic. They truly made the transition from romantic military revolutionaries to democrats. I became fully convinced of this when I invited General Buhari to help us campaign in a bye-election for the Gamawa State House of Assembly seat in Bauchi State in 2009. Buhari had campaigned for Isa Yuguda to become the ANPP Governor of Bauchi State, visiting all 20 Local Government Areas- including some significant towns in districts. But two years on, Yuguda decided to cross over to the PDP and had his deputy Garba Gadi impeached and removed from office. He replaced him with the Speaker of the State House of Assembly who was the member from Gamawa, seemingly as a reward for a job well done. The vacancy meant that there was going to be a bye-election in which the PDP with a sitting Governor and deputy from the constituency was sure of winning. In such a mid-term election for an obscure position representing a rural constituency, General Buhari who had lost a presidential election for a second time need not have obliged my invitation, but he did, for the simple reason that he believed in the basic tenets of fair play and the possibility of transforming Nigeria into a just society.

Before Buhari’s arrival, the DPO had informed me that the podium we had erected in Gamawa where he would address a mammoth crowd was illegal and we had to pull it down. I decided to go above him and discuss the matter with the Bauchi State Commissioner of Police but met with an even more hostile response. After Buhari’s arrival, we forged ahead unconvinced of the illegality of the activity, bearing in mind Isa Yuguda had held a similar campaign rally in Gamawa three days earlier. With the festivities concluded and before setting out for another town Gololo, we took the General to the Local Government Guest House for refreshments and brief use of its facilities. To my surprise, the Local Government Chairman (who had been campaigning with Buhari and I two years earlier for the ANPP) had given specific instructions we were not to be given access to the Guest House, before skipping town. However, the workers could not bring themselves to deny General Buhari, a former Head of State (and to a lesser extent myself, a serving federal legislator) access. What was more embarrassing, when General Buhari asked to use the toilet, we found that it had been deliberately locked and were informed that the LGA Chairman had left with the keys. Some of those in our company insisted on breaking the toilet door but were prevailed upon by a stern-faced Buhari who said it was not necessary. The thought that raced through my mind in those moments was that this man, as a former leader of our country, had the choice of not subjecting himself to any of this humiliation and indignation. He left the comfort of his Kaduna abode to be denied the use of a fetid toilet with no running water in backwater Gamawa, simply because he believed in the right for us to vote for our representatives in government no matter how lowly. 2009 was not an election year and he was not running for President. He rooted for the underdog because he felt voters had been betrayed. On that day, I developed a new sense of respect for the man beyond any office he may have held and saw the milk of human kindness in him beneath the stoic exterior.

General Buhari has served Nigeria more out of uniform than when he wore it for the simple reason that he has strengthened our democratic system. He has tirelessly contested for President three times and thereafter subjected himself to our dubious court system- perhaps sometimes knowing the high probability of an unfavourable outcome. By doing so, he has tested our system over and again and exposed its inherent flaws, leaving a rich literature of legal proceedings for posterity, so that future generations will not make the same mistakes. In doing so, he has gained more supporters and admirers like me who are cautious of promoting a cult of personality for any living being. But he is once again contesting for President at a time when most Nigerians have woken up to the fact that we desperately need to establish the fact that we can change our leaders through the ballot box when they fail to deliver. This does not stop them from trying again if they so wish, but for us to take our democratic experiment to the next level, we need to do away with the perception as well as possible reality that we are creating a hegemonic one-party state in Nigeria. The democratic maturity exhibited by Buhari, a former military ruler, needs to be adopted by the entire nation by voting in a change in leadership. Nigeria has come of age and should be able to vote political parties in and out of government at the centre. It is a case of growing up to become like Ghana or like Congo. The question we have to ask ourselves before March 28 is, would Goodluck Jonathan have run and lost three times, gone to election tribunal three times and visited Gamawa (or dusty Gololo for that matter) to campaign for the PDP in a non-election year?



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Prison Note: A Search For Justice Or Presidential Vendetta? By Charles Tonbra Okah

As with all human beings we are fallible. We are not perfect. But insofar as the bombing of October 1, 2010 is concerned, we are innocent. This also includes the Warri bombing. Sadly, it is very difficult for Nigerians to believe that my brother, Henry, and I did not commit these crimes. Several years of damaging and devious propaganda by the Jonathan administration and mercenaries from the Niger Delta have convinced many Nigerians that we are guilty. We are not! In any case, we’ll leave that for the courts to decide.

Ever since the said bombings, I have been incarcerated. It’s been more than four years – four years without trial and without bail in the pit of hell. Depending on the outcome of the March 2015 election, this mental and physical punishment may end in 2015 or 2019. What manner of justice is this?  Since 2010, the Jonathan government has locked me up (sometimes under inhumane conditions) on the pretext that I am a terrorist, a murderer.  But the fact is that I am none of what the government is alleging.

However, if the government believes I am, then, it behooves her to accord me a free and speedy trial as dictated by the Nigerian laws and international conventions. But this has not been the case. Instead, the Jonathan administration has, on several occasions, accused me of delay tactics: they accused me of employing tricks that makes my prosecution difficult, if not outright impossible. How could this be? How could this be when I am not the police, the State Security Service (SSS), the prosecutor and or the judge?

The fact is that the Nigerian government does not have evidences that directly or indirectly link me or my brother to the said events. What this government has are false and made up evidence; and in the process they induced and or threatened their so-called witnesses to bear false witness against us. Goodluck Jonathan will not be happy unless we rot in jail. But what system of law or democracy allows for the personalization of the rule of law?

My continued incarceration is not about justice. This is not about finding the truth. This is not about prosecuting and punishing those who carried out the symbolic events of October 2010. No! This is plain and simple a vendetta, retribution and punishment for the things my brother and I refused to do for Jonathan and against the interest and wellbeing of Nigeria.

My most recent court appearances were on Thursday December 4, 2014 and Thursday February 19, 2015 before Justice Gabriel Kolawole. Unlike previous appearances, things seem to be “improving.” The intervention of the International Red Cross Society and the British High Commission made a lot of difference.  Foer that I am eternally grateful! In addressing the Justice Kolawole court, I made the following statements:

I have not been able to secure the services of a lawyer to represent me because I am broke. The few I have approached have been sympathetic, but declined to represent me pro bono. My continued incarceration is making it very difficult for me to raise funds considering that my family has relocated from Nigeria due to constant harassment.

If I had been granted bail like the Boko Haram suspect, Senator Ali Mbume, who still receives his monthly salary, fringe benefits, and allowances from the government, my financial situation will not have been this pathetic.

Considering my current indigent status, I am requesting for a state assisted lawyer to defend me, preferably one that is of an equivalent status as that which the state provided for the prosecution, which will be a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.

I am making this request based on the simple premise that a man is presumed innocent until proven guilty, and what is good for the goose is equally good for the gander. So what is good for the prosecution is equally good for the defense.
Unfortunately, In Nigeria, the mere act of filing charges – even trumped up charges – carries along with it a strong presumption of guilt. The scale held in the hand of the statue of justice is balanced 50-50 – a level playing field.

It is unfair that the State, whose agent of persecution have crippled and destroyed my business of over two decades, impounded and continue to hold on to my goods of legitimate import, and opposed my bail application vehemently will provide on one end of the scale a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, who comes to court with a train of 8, 10, and sometimes 12 lawyers!

And provide on the other end of the scale, something less for the defense. It is only by providing a counsel of equivalent status for the defense that the scale of justice will be balanced. My Lord, whichever direction the pendulum swings to, it will always be a win-win situation for the State, whether the State wins or the State loses.

If the State wins because the prosecution has proven its case beyond a reasonable doubt, there is a cause for celebration. A villain, a mad man, psychopath, a terrorist, whose ideology is to maim, to kill, and to destroy would have been put where he belongs. In short, good riddance to bad rubbish and justice would have prevailed.

On the other hand, if the State loses, because the prosecution never brought its case before the court bona fide in the first place instead relying on assumptions, hear-say, wild conjecture, an a shoddy investigation, the State still remains a winner and there is cause for an even bigger celebration – an innocent citizen, a Joseph, would have been vindicated, discharged and acquitted. Justice will also have prevailed.

There is no one in this courtroom that desires desperately for this trial to commence and end as much as the two defendants standing inside your dock today. For four years, we have been subjected to gross human rights violations and petty cruelties from the agents of the State acting on orders from above.

Their actions led to the death of a co-accused, Mr. Francis Osuwo, who I only met after my arrest, as well as injuries to my health, which I have recovered from today. It had to take the intervention of the international Red Cross, The British High Commission, who were appalled at our confinement conditions, providing for us mattress, blankets, and a bunk bed, replacement of a light bulb deliberately removed from the 6ft by 4ft cell, and the renovation of the entire cell block to make it fit for human habitation.
A rights suit I filed against the Nigerian prison and Interior Minister brought about succor and changes we are enjoying today. We now have access to exercise, worship, books to read etc., which were previously denied.

If my 5 year old son is brought inside the courtroom now, I will not recognize him. Even though I do not mind, but my older daughter minds that her fiancé does not make his intentions known to his future father-in-law through the irons mesh of a prisons visitation room.

This scar running from my back down to my navel area is the mark of the sacrifice of love I made 32 years ago when I donated my left kidney to save another life. For 32 years, I have been like a traveler who embarked on a journey without a spare tire. Ideally I should have an annual check-up in the hospital where the donor nephrectomy was performed or an active transplant center.

If the National Hospital Abuja had started its kidney transplant program, as was the original intent when my company, Tombra Life Support Company Ltd established their dialysis center in 1999 and provided a blueprint for a transplant program, I would have had my check-up done there during this period of my incarceration.

During the 4 years we have been awaiting trial, I have often heard the prosecution mention something about its evidence and witnesses, which always leaves me perplexed. I am always baffled because I have no idea what they are referring to. It is only during a fair trial, in an impartial court such as yours that the so-called evidence will be revealed.

It is then we will determine if this evidence has any relationship or relevance to the charges of treason and terrorism levied against me or if what they have been clutching onto for the past four years has been nothing more than Joseph’s abandoned coat.
Similarly, it is during the trial that we will establish if these witnesses are truthful men or women whose testimony is relevant to the charges levied against me, if they have been bribed or intimidated, and if they are unscrupulous like the biblical Ms. Potiphar, the pathological liar who was so adroit at weaving webs of lies around the smallest circumstantial evidence she had in her clutches.

My reputation is at stake here. From the day of my arrest on Saturday, October 16 2010, the negative publicity and images seen on national television where I was bound in chains carrying my cross and surrounded by armed security operatives left a trail of confusion in its wake. Confusion beginning from my immediate family, relatives, neighbors, members of my church, business associates, old boys of my Alma mater St. Gregory’s College Lagos, and several others who still believe in me.
Even the United States embassy, which had previously awarded my company a contract, revoked it after my arrest. It is only after a fair and impartial trial that my reputation will be forever deemed or my reputation will be redeemed.
My Lord, the ship of State is heading deeper and deeper into an enveloping fog of lies being told by government functionaries whose careers will be destroyed by the truth. Allow me close with a simple prayer to the Supreme Power that made our frames, sustains our lives, and through all earthly change survives.

May He bless our beloved country with more men and more women of truth, character, and integrity giving them the courage to stand firm in the difficult season. May He also expose the Potiphar amongst us whose false accusations and trumped up charges have sent and continues to send countless of our innocent compatriots to the gallows and the prisons. May God save Nigeria, Amen!

Closing Remarks:

Just recently, President Jonathan alleged that my brother was hired to assassinate him. What a baseless and unimaginative accusation. Why wasn’t this allegation made before now? Why wait until this moment, why wait until political campaign begun? It is not nothing but a cheap-shot. Did he mention the said plot to the intelligence and security agencies? And if he did, why didn’t they act on such a grave and sensitive matter? After all, planning to or actually threatening the life of the President, or any citizen for that matter, is not only terroristic, it is criminal.

Soon, my brother will speak for himself (by way of an interview with Dr. Sabella Abidde) on this and other matters. But let me tell you this: my brother and I are being persecuted and punished for refusing to partake in political machinations with roots in the Niger Delta Crisis and with the hope that such actions would benefit Jonathan during the 2015 Presidential Elections. We refused to be pawns, hence this unending reprisal and incessant campaign of calumny against us.


Charles Tonbra Okah

Kuje Prison, Abuja


This Prison Note comes by way of Sabella Abidde, a friend and confidant of Charles Okah and Henry Okah. Mr. Abidde resides in Alabama and can be reached at: Sabidde@yahoo.com


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Fayose & the Buhari Health “Watch” By Babayola Toungo

The audio recording by one captain Sagir Koli of the Nigerian Army that went viral on how officials of the PDP and the government used the army to rig the 2014 Ekiti state gubernatorial election and the interview granted Sahara Reporters by the same Army officer, made clear to me the fixation of Ayodele Fayose with General Muhammadu Buhari. Fayose was the beneficiary of the rigging scheme which sent Kayode Fayemi out of the Ekiti government house and he is scared of what will happen to him in the event Buhari wins the rescheduled 2015 presidential election. He would rather General Buhari die before March 28th than see a Buhari presidency with him possibly ending in jail. This is because the revelations in the tape are tantamount to a military coup against Fayemi and the Ekiti people. The coup was carried out using the Army led by a Brigadier General and orchestrated by two Ministers of the Federal Republic.

General Muhammadu Buhari is in the UK right now engaged in a working visit, meeting with British politicians, policy makers and captains of industry with a view to selling himself and his programmes. He may also use the opportunity to show the English that he is not the ogre the PDP is making him out to be. Almost everybody who happened to be at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport saw the General queuing up to join the British Airways yet Fayose still insists that Buhari was flown out in an air ambulance. How morbid can some people be in their desperation? How can someone be so fixated with another’s state of health to the extent that one could be this reckless? What transgression have the people of Ekiti committed to deserve this monster as their governor?

Fayose have a history of rascality and that may be responsible for his impeachment during his first incarnation as the governor of Ekiti state. He also had a murder case hanging on his neck before the PDP exhumed him from his political Siberia and imposed him on the good people of the state just so that the PDP will have its way in the forthcoming elections. The confessions of the Army captain and the admission by some of the participants to the treasonable meeting that returned Fayose as governor means little to the president and his party because the people are of no concern to them. If the president really care about the people of Ekiti state in particular and Nigeria in general as he claimed, Fayose should be in jail by now, with Jelili Adesiyan, the Minister of Police Affairs and Musiliu Obanikoro, erstwhile Minister of State, Defence, keeping him company in the dungeons. But in the president’s usual ways of “not giving a damn” about you and me, he dismissed the recording with a wave of his magisterial hand. While Adesiyan remains a member of Jonathan’s cabinet, Obanikoro is nominated to the same cabinet in complete disregard to the outcry in respect to the roles they played in the Ekiti elections.

Fayose is a violent man and desperate man at that. This is a man who violated the sanctity of a courtroom by invading the court while in session with hoodlums and slapped a judge and nothing happened to him. If such a man has consistently being talking about death of the presidential candidate of the APC and the party kept quiet, then something must be wrong. In his desperation to see Buhari dead, it has been reported that he has followed the General to the UK for only God knows what. It was also earlier reported that Fayose hired some people in London to trail Buhari wherever he goes and it wasn’t denied. Yet the APC is taking all this lying low. Am I missing something? When a man of such violent tendencies threatens my chicken, I will make sure he will never sleep again. Has he been consulting babalawos who assured him Buhari will die of a sickness to be cast on him by them or what?

The consistency and stridency in the claims of Buhari’s illness should not be taken lightly by the APC. In the event any harm befalls him we know who to hold responsible. If the president is chicken to act on such nonsense, Nigerians have to be prepared to defend their integrity and safety when those in authority decides to play God over our affairs. We have seen how all those around the president have been threatening the corporate existence of the country without any of them being dragged to the office of the Department of Sleaze and Scoundrels (DSS). The difference between Asari Dokubo, Tompolo and Fayose is that where the Niger Delta oil thieves have been threatening the country in the event Jonathan lost the election, Fayose have been threatening Buhari’s personal safety and existence. Am wary of a man who still has a case of murder hanging over him making such statements and even made it a vocation to trail the man he believed should throw him in jail.

Fayose keeps repeating that the Buhari will never be the president of Nigeria and he says this with a certainty of someone on terra firma. What is giving Fayose this level of confidence that Buhari will never be the president of this country? Is it any fetish assurance he is relying on or is it going to be another snivelling Brigadier he will use to stop Buhari? I think Nigerians should ask him these questions and his fixation with Buhari’s health status. The media must put him on the spot to lay bare his sources of confidence on the APC candidate’s health condition and not just follow him around sheepishly lapping all the nonsense he dishes out to them. Last time I checked he wasn’t Buhari’s Doctor.

The likes of Fayose have gradually weakened the unity of the country because of their deliberate insensitiveness. The man and the characters that populate Jonathan’s administration and campaign team are jeopardising the unity of the country to the applause of the president and to the chagrin of patriots. If we allow them to continue tugging at our fault lines, then we deserve them.


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Street Begging: Unislamic and Condemnable in all Ramifications By Adnan Mukhtar

It is no gain saying that begging is an act of ind olent and laziness by this category of people that engage themselves in it, according to a facebook friend it is better for the beggers to develop their skills acquisition intellect and for those uneducated can still work in many places as gatemen, shoe maker’s, nail cutters etc, I am sure those people that engaged themselves in the aforementioned business are sustaining a life with it and even enjoying luxury a times why not doing it?

The Prophet saw in a Hadith urged us to be self reliant, He said ” it is better for a person to go an get a firewood on his back from the bush and sell it than to ask something from someone whether he gives you or not” this is how the Prophet is teaching us how to be self reliant, He always cautioned us against it as it will lead a person to hell fire, in another Hadith the Prophet said that a person who always beg will be raised on the day of judgement as a skeleton, He also prayed for poverty on anyone that makes begging a business, we know how acceptable the prayer of the Holy Prophet is. Islam does not support begging but support helping people more especially the needy.

Allah says ” Ya Ayyuhal Lazina Amanu Intasurullaha Yansurukum Wa Yuthabit Agdamakum” Allah swt is helpful to helpers………

However The Prophet saw has condemned begging in different AHadith therefore it should and need to be stopped by any responsible person.

Sheikh Ahmed Deedat once said ” The biggest enemy of islam is the ignorant muslim whose ignorace leads him to intolerance, whose actions destroys the true image of islam and when the people look at him they think that islam is what He is.”

According to this saying, a begger who is a muslim will be seen by known muslims as someone doing what his religion teaches him, this is spoiling the image of islam, however being a regular reader of online newspapers I have seen it some months back that the kano state governor sent a bill to the state house of assembly seeking a ban of street begging so that it can become a law, the kano state house of assembly has since passed the bill into law and that makes street begging illegal today in the city of kano, the kano state governor Engr Rabiu Kwankwaso need to be commended on this great work. The state Hisbah Board under Mallam Aminu Ibrahim Daurawa is the agency responsible for the arrest and prosecution of anybody found begging on the streets of kano.

It is sad and unfortunate for a leader who seems to be religious and sound islamically to support or encourage begging for the sake of making relevance and love from those he is ruling though I concur with what he said that the government should give those beggers skills acquisition training and capital as that will empower them to stop begging. The government should by all means address this as its a welcome and Development initiative, a very nice and wonderful suggestion from the brave religious and traditional leader of high esteem.

Let me use this medium to share an experience I had with you on a begger who died and his family were able to get more than a million feom where he used to keep his money and other valuables, he has no job other than begging, all what he gets like food, shelter and money were through begging, if he can be able to raise such an amount of money why not use it as a capital before his death unfortunately because of how begging makes him lazy he continued with it as a potential business. A lot of beggers in kano and the north at large are millionaires while some are about making a million but no good plan on the said money by them. No begger has the idea of using his begging money as a capital he rather be allowed to continue with his begging, they is no business they can do apart from begging, we call it in Hausa ” Zuciya ta mutu” what even bother me most is how beggers(Almajirai) are majority Northerners and that’s why some southerners are referring us as Almajiri whenever we hurt or provoked them, they used that as a means of hurting us

Begging is laziness, unislamic and is condemnable in all ramifications, I hope and pray that the government on its side will empower those beggers with skills acquisition training and capital that will help them in sustaining their lives. No one should dare bring it back again, No one should take us back to the 18th century, kano is progressing, we want to compete with other cities of the world, we want kano to become the number one city in the whole africa, Do you think we can make it with begging on our streets?

Adnan Mukhtar Adam TudunWada is a Youth Activist and is of the Department of Islamic studies Northwest University, Kano


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Nigeria Suffering Under Crippling Global Sanctions Because Of President Jonathan – Peregrino Brimah

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Jonathan On The Cliffhanger By Erasmus Ikhide

President Goodluck Jonathan’s suspenseful uncertain transitional government is gradually drawing to a close. His secret wish had been truncated. He expects Nigerians to simply reward his 6-year gutter government with another 4-year without election. It was a vain fancy gone awry! It was a sordid denuding piety of dreaming away one’s incompetence in governance. His rule has undoubtedly ended. But he has other tricks up on his sleeves.

In primitive societies, authoritarian governments survive because a coalition of political and military elites stands ready and willing to employ violence to execute Machiavellian vision of politics. The scenario described above mirrors Mr Jonathan’s government and his propensity to perpetuate himself in power beyond 2015. He has been throwing several variables around to reinforce his fable hold on the governance of the nation.

Corruption in his government has decimated the middle class, dampened the prospect of power generation, ruined production industries, brought education to the precipice and the nation to the edge. This version of on-your-face affront by Mr Jonathan’s disingenuous politics of self-sustaining gimmickry can not be disregarded. Beginning from 2014 in Ekiti  governorship election, Nigerian democracy became militarized with the overt intrusion of the security sector into the political arena, a process that reached its feverish peak before the August 9th Osun Goverorship election.

The electoral dimension of Mr Jonathan’s authoritarianism stems from the fact that his failed government fails to hold elections as constitutionally stipulated. He is searching for an avenue to legitimised his hold on power so as to manipulate the elections for his own ends. To become a ruled-based democracy the stated letter of the constitution must be followed. The reign of terror in Ekiti and Osun elections was possible because of the symbiosis between the PDP and the security sector, with Jonathan providing the glue that binds them together in pursuit of regime survival.

The Ekiti and Osun elections heists marked glooming sports on the nation’s map of liberal democracy as practised in saner society. It has come to the open after linked tape of how military were used to rig Ekiti election that Nigerians who were alarmed at the Ekiti and Osun elections invested with soldiers, police, DSS Civil Defence Corps, Niger Delta militant were not alarmists as claimed by the president and the PDP. Nigerian is a symptomatic of a militarised state that reflects a broader mindset on the part of the government.

International Communities, Civil Rights Groups, and media outlets have expressed concerned about the militarized role of the military in a democratic society, and even the Department of Justice has raised concerns about how to deal with the brutal force of the military toward unarmed citizens. Taking the long view, I can’t agree less that the militarised army is a reflection of the evolution of government toward a police state model.

Although, the nation has witnessed brutal repression of political opponents since the Fourth Republic, which was deeply rooted in former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s government, but this phenomenon evolved gradually after 2011 presidential election which led to the death of many. Militarised of the nation’s politics reflects the convergence of hostile and desperate political groupings and the policy of the government at the centre which has been striving to remain in power for a hundred years. Now,  its new found fang has been to eliminate “potential political enemies as terrorists”.

It’s interesting to know that in essence the justice system has indicted the military, police DSS and their bloodcurdling cousins in a lawsuit brought before it in Kano by a group of concerned Nigerians. It’s interesting because the judgement came at a time the entire justice system was stacked against political opponents or those perceived to be the enemies of the president or his political party. The drawbacks of the military naivety has been exposed which misconstrues faithful service to the nation and its institutional structures, as the actual service to the government at the centre.

The crises that attended both Ekiti and Osun Gubernatorial elections should provoke protests from Nigerians, thereby prompting altruistic reform in our electoral body, its independence, and of course, toward attainment of free and fair election; devoid of manipulation of any kind. Mr Jonathan’s heavy-handed government has consistently used the state apparatus to suppress dissenting  voices, break up protesting groups violently more than his predecessors.

The goring scene in Ekiti, where the police shot an opposition protesting youth to death, where the military threatened to shoot Rotimi Amaechi, Adams Oshiomhole, both governors of the opposition party and others sympathetic to their cause is still fresh in our minds. The incident of Ayo Fayose, as the Governor-in-waiting of Ekiiti ordering the merciless beating of judges handling his eligibility case in Ado-Ekiti High Court has not dissipated.

Mr Jonathan can resort to engaging military hostility, given the history of his failed government because under his watchful eye the state has crushed opposition elements or co-opted their followers in some manner that invariably includes superficial reforms. Nigerians didn’t hold much hope for institutional change under President Jonathan with the culture of militarised elections in Nigeria. The subtle mass protests that attended Ekiti Governorship election are not just about the frozen institutional structure steeped in military and police-state methods. It was obviously created by the PDP government.

The Civil Rights Groups actually came short of staving off the negative effects of military deployment in an election and the harm’s way such military engagement puts the nation and its toddling democracy. Such protests should have be vehemently design to address social issues, election manipulation and violence, among others, regarding social justice.

It is true that protests movements throughout Nigerian history have failed to change the status quo and there is no reason to be optimistic that the ones which led to the judgement in Kano court a few weeks ago will amount to anything. Nigerians are not in high spirit that their president will order the implementation of the court judgement. Neither do they expect a revolution if the Presidency used the military and other security apparatus to intimidate, manipulate and ultimately suppress Nigerians voices in the coming 2015 Presidential election.

The INEC chairman, Prof Attahiru Jega has in the past faulted the deployment of soldiers, hooded security men during Ekiti and Osun elections, describing it as abhorrent in a democracy. Beside, he spoke of how an attempt to rig the Ogun State governorship failed. Describing the trend as “worrisome, he said masked men would not be allowed for next year’s general elections”, as he also accused the security men deployed in Osun State of being “overzealous”. Department of State Security (DSS) spokesperson Marylyn Ogar admitted that some of the DSS men deployed for the election wore hoods.

There may not be sporadic uprisings in urban areas in Nigeria that will dethrone President Goodluck Jonathan over night but there will be popular protests that will continue for different reasons, all of them revolving around the issue of absence of social justice and popular democracy. However, the cumulative effect of the protests that is to come, if the military lend itself to wrongful uses, as it were in 2011, will lead to mass demonstrations with very serious consequences on the unity of the country.

When the lives of the people are stagnated and the prospects of their children’s lives look very bleak, when they realize that society is becoming increasingly unjust for more and more people, and not just the very ordinary people and poor minorities, it is very likely that a segment of the more radical of them will take to the streets and others will follow. This is the danger militarised elections could bring, and had brought to many Third World Country.

Ikhide, a Public Affairs analyst writes in from Lagos, Nigeria.

Follow me twitter @ErasmusIkhide


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Communication Networks And The Plight Of A Nigerian By Aremu Toyib

This is but another cry of a Nigerian. I am on this side complaining today because there is no different story to tell. I wish I have been impressed by the services provided by these communication networks so that I can send some gratitude. But today is not a day to send gratitude; this is a day of bare criticism. As much as I understand that in every business, there is a need to make profit, at the same time every marketer should understand this simple phrase: consumer satisfaction.

I am making my thoughts known today because of what I experienced on my line some days ago. I received a message from a strange number (4100) on my MTN Simcard like this:

“Yello! Your callertunez will expire on 2015-02-21. To renew the service at N50 monthly, take no action. For information on how to stop the service, text help to 4100…”

Immediately I received this message, I was perplexed. I was wondering when I subscribed to such service. That was not the only question that rummaged my mind for answer. I thought: I did not register for this service and now it is going to expire soon. I am not interested in it let alone renewing. I have the literal capacity to stop the service but what about the many unlettered users of MTN who is faced with same problem? What about those who cannot read the message not to talk of following the instruction to deactivate it? Was there even a ‘deactivate’ instruction?

This is how people are subjected to pay for services they are not interested in. The worse part of this is that the service is made in a way that renewal is only by ‘not sending any directive.’ What this means is that automatically, a user who at that moment does not send ‘stop’ to 4100 will be charged afterwards. Is this fair to anyone at all?

The caller tune issue apart for now. Let us talk of the load of messages sent to customers daily. Every Nigerian with a phone should be able bear witness to this. Today, the number of time we receive unwanted messages on our lines is really alarming. One is sent about ten of this on average every day. The nauseating part is that when you try to delete them, another is on its way to the inbox again. Why? Has the network providers not considered that excessive messaging of customers about a service does not equate to customers’ positive response? Are they not aware that this is no more advertisement but spamming and disturbing the peace of users? The same is the case when in the morning one tries to check up (useful) updates on his Twitter or Facebook wall. The whole space is filled with useless, unsolicited messages. It is like everyone does not care again how they make their money; whether it makes others feel sad, inconvenient and cheated. It is high time the network providers understood that this is not a good marketing strategy.

People have their reasons for having a phone number; for some people, it is because of their business. They will expect some important messages or alerts some time. It will therefore be disturbing if all they get are unwanted messages sent by network providers. This is not a good way to thank a customer for actively recharging his cell and allow you make money. Do not make your customers regret choosing your service. The truth is, portability has become an affordable choice to make.

MTN, Globacom, Etisalat and others may argue that numbers like 33128, 30020, 5031, 5021 do not represent them. Well, whether or not they represent you, the messages they send are received on your customers’ lines. This should bother you if it bothers your customers.

I, as a customer, am interested in a service that will not give me nightmares. I look forward to a time when I will get mostly the messages that interest me and not some that I will delete immediately or have to leave in my box unread. It is really painful.

Aremu Toyib is a Freelance Writer, Blogger (aremutoyib.com) and Campus Journalist based in Ibadan. Contact him @omotoshoatob on Twitter or shoot him a mail aremutoyib@gmail.com


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#PAUSIBILITY: Solecism Of This Transformation By Adebayo Coker

Ordinarily, I do a weekly submission but my musing wouldn’t let me rest.

I am sure you will wonder the kind of paragraphs that will follow this opening. Some people will develop further defence when am done answering this question due to their embryonic stance on Americanism; they usually would say “ the fact that it worked in America doesn’t mean it is good for us”. To this set of people I will say I agree with them to the extent that until when we are ready to develop our own peculiar models to proffering solutions to our own peculiar problems, I will continue to use suitable examples from any part of the world.

Let me quickly draw a line of relationship between Hurricane Sandy and Boko Haram. Although they both proffered a saving grace scenario to the leaders of two wonderful countries in the world, whose popularity amongst their people was drowning, but like any survivalist would grapple for any thin line of hope that is likely to sustain their continued existence. The opportunity for redemption came. One of the leaders saw and acted accordingly as is expected of a leader who is in sync with his people but the other frittered away his chance.

Hurricane Sandy affected some parts of the United States Of America at about the peak of the decline of President Barrack Obama’s popularity. The Americans waited for him at the poll to send him out of the White House because so many of his promises were believed to be mere verbosity with little or no chance of reality. The election year came and the campaign started; movement from state to state, typical of political campaigns. True, it was another round of grandiosity from the first black man President of the most powerful nation in the world, but along the way came Hurricane Sandy; very disastrous ( not the first hurricane or disaster though) but was one of the (if not THE ONLY) saving grace of Obama in that election year. Barrack abandoned all campaigns and went to sympathise with the bereaved. He did it so genuinely that many yet-to-decide Americans at that time, even when they knew it will be another term of same and the same, gave their votes to him nonetheless. He won with a landslide victory.

Boko Haram is a menace that has been terrifying the entire Nigeria nation (whichever way we look at it we are all in this together), the most populous black nation in the world. The Shekau scourge became intense just few years ago. When the whole world was wondering what the FG was doing to address the issue and were ready to their give utmost support to the government to get this hydra- headed monster annihilated once and for all the government saw another rhythm to it that the rest of the world was not listening to. They claimed this is a guerilla war, not conventional and will require some level of expertise to address. Quite understandable. But for six years that the FG sought training of military personnel, chaos was let lose. Thousands of lives were lost. People were dehumanized and killed. Girls and boys were kidnapped, conscripted into the sect and used to cause further mayhem on Nigerian communities. Parts of the country were seized and flags hoisted establishing the sect’s territory within Nigeria, a sovereign nation!

In the reign of all this, the President saw nothing threatening as long as it was not anywhere near Aso Rock. He did not act as expected of a Commander-in-Chief. Rather, he partied and danced on the graves of so many lives that were lost. He enjoyed his campaigns of calumny till the last minute, sometime two weeks ago.

Just as election came and Sandy presented a saving grace for Obama, so also election came and what was considered inconsequential so long as it could be used as a factor in a political permutation, is now a curse for this President.

Had this administration acted rightly six years ago by decimating or working assiduously to decimate the insurgents, some Nigerians will, at least, see a path of moral recompense to the President by giving him their votes because of that act of bravery. The President lacks every moral right to ask for any reimbursement whatsoever. His prehensile associates and aides miscalculated on that.

The recent exploits being recorded by the Nigeria Armed Forces in routing the insurrection just after the six weeks solecism, is a pointer that truly and truly, this government knew what to do all the while to stem this menace but chose the path of wickedness as they had thought that by allowing the crisis to fester( I suspect complicity), a State of Emergency will be declared in the Northeast, then the PDP will have a rollercoaster ride back to power… the heart of man is desperately wicked

In the face of this deliberate delay to score a cheap political point which has led to loss of lives and properties, I hereby endorse CHANGE as the only panacea to this transformation that polarized us along sectional and sectarian lines. A transformation that underestimated the enemies of Nigeria bringing about a Rwandani-treat to our people. A transformation that makes me buy fuel to power my generator to watch the President on national TV, launching a power station purportedly generating some immeasurable megawatts of power. A transformation that has turned unyielding goons to sudden billionaires. A transformation being led by a President that wants to enjoy the full benefits and appurtenances of office but has shamelessly failed (on many occasions) to stand up to the functionality and responsibility of office. A re-commissioning transformation.

I laugh.


Is Marilyn on vacation?


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Scenarios For 2015 By Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim

Those who fail to learn from history are condemned to repeat it
– George Santayana

Democratic transition in Africa is historically more complex than in other parts of the world. The intersection of politics with geography, ethnicity, religion and other identity markers are major factors in this regard and nowhere is this so delicately and dramatically playing out than in Nigeria, particularly in the run up to the general election of 2015. The manipulation of identity for political ends under President Goodluck Jonathan has been elevated to an art form. The regime of selective patronage over which he presides and the consequences therefrom, aggravates the nation’s fragile unity, unsettles its uneasy peace and undermines its shaky stability. Being the product of the very divisive election of 2011, President Jonathan could have taken a more noble and conciliatory path. He however chose to play on those divisions further by taking public policy to the altar and playing up one identity against another.

At the centre of Nigeria’s transition crisis is the control of political power which, in real terms, equates to the control of power of economic patronage. In Nigeria, probably more than in most countries, political power confers so much economic advantage on individuals and groups, often to the exclusion of others such that the struggle for its control has become, literally speaking, a matter of life and death. Analysis of contracts awarded by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) chaired by President Jonathan made by a Nigerian newspaper reveal, for example, that over half of Nigeria’s N1.387 trillion capital projects under the 2014 budget was earmarked for the president’s geo-political zone. The Niger Delta region got projects worth N639.306 billion, which is more than the total amount of money earmarked for projects in the rest of the five geo-political zones.

Zone by zone, data analysis of federal projects awarded by FEC in 2014 are as follows: South-south: N639.306 billion; South-west: N256 billion; FCT: N193 billion; South-east: N111.3 billion; North-central: N101 billion; North-west: N62.151 billion and North-east: N23.767 billion. It is not by coincidence that the three zones where President Jonathan is likely to get the least number of votes, North-east, North-west and North-central (minus FCT) in that order, account for only 34% or one third of the amount earmarked for the president’s Niger Delta zone and a paltry 13% of the total for the six geo-political zones. It should not surprise anyone if the percentage of votes the president will receive from each of the six geo-political zones averages the percentage of capital projects earmarked for it.
Thus, competition for political power during election cycles tends to be so ruthless and intense not only because the stakes are so high but also because the reward or punishment of losing out can be equally life-changing. It is this zero-sum nature of the competition which continues to threaten the stability and wellbeing of our nation. The fear of losing power and its consequences are currently driving the behaviour of President Jonathan (and the power block which he represents) towards the general election and its possible outcome.

The Nigerian political elite has developed different coping mechanisms to moderate contestation for political power and the tension it generates. The most successful of these, in relative terms, is the zoning and rotation of public offices among ethnic groups, wards, local government areas, senatorial districts, states and geo-political zones. This coping mechanism is, by definition, not what one might call ideal, but it has generally been operable, warts and all, until 2009 when the death of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and eventually President Jonathan’s infidelity with the arrangement led to its collapse at the presidential level, at least. By the general election of 2011, Nigeria had become so tension-soaked that some analysts began to predict its disintegration by 2015. If events of the last several weeks and months are anything to go by, this prediction may well be on its way to becoming true unless sanity and common sense are allowed to prevail.

Sanity will prevail if President Jonathan, the hawks in his party, the PDP, and the Nigerian military high command allow the 28th March and 11th April elections to hold. Common sense is to support INEC to conduct free, fair and credible election on the new dates and to hand over power to the winner of the election on May 29th. These, given current trends, will require increased vigilance by Nigerians to help INEC overcome its inertia and enhanced pressure from the international community to help the Jonathan administration overcome its fear of losing the presidential election and the consequences thereof. Anything short of this will put the precarious and fragile peace Nigeria currently enjoys at risk or tragically trigger a series of unfortunate events which may lead to a prolonged period of internal upheaval.

At the current state of play, the different scenarios staring Nigeria in the face are not pretty. This is not the kind of promise which democracy holds out in advanced countries. As it is, if the general election holds on schedule, one of the following will occur:
PDP Wins – There are very high expectations from Nigerians that 2015 is the year of “change”. Poll after poll, among which are those commissioned by members of President Jonathan’s team, had indicated PDP will lose the presidential election by a wide margin (and most of the states). If this expectation is not met, it may be because the elections are rigged. A PDP win could trigger street protests and massive public unrest. Already, there is a large movement of people from north to south and vice versa out of fear that the election results may precipitate violence. If this occurs, a prolonged period of instability, a military coup or worse, an attempt at secession by those who have already served notice to that effect may result.

APC Wins – If public expectations and opinion polls are anything to go by, APC is set to win the forthcoming presidential election (and most of the states). Ordinarily, if APC wins the election, it will be expected to take over the federal government on May 29, 2015. However, there are disturbing signs this may not be the case. Although the president has made a public commitment to hand over power to the winner if he loses in a free and fair election, senior PDP and federal government officials have been reported to insist power will not be handed over to a party dominated by Islamic fundamentalists (a euphemism for APC). Again, if the president is to take it upon himself to determine whether or not the election is free and fair, then his public commitment is probably not as reassuring as it seems. Similarly, Niger Delta militants in company with state and federal officials known to be close to the president, have been reported to threaten the country with war if the president loses the election. Many Nigerians believe they have the capability to carry out the threat.

Run off or Inconclusive Election – Unlikely as it may seem, the possibility of a presidential election without a clear winner cannot be ruled out, especially if PDP’s rigging machine is allowed to enjoy a free reign. An election without a clear winner will suggest PDP and APC are equally strong, a situation which may trigger a crisis-ridden run off and the possibility of a violently contested outcome. This may result in a stalemate and the possible inability of INEC to proceed with the 11th April poll as planned. If the general election collapses or if it becomes inconclusive, a period of prolonged instability and violence may result.

One of the Candidates is Disqualified – There are at least six cases in court, two seeking the disqualification of the PDP presidential candidate and four seeking the disqualification of the APC candidate. Speculations are rife that a particular judge has been procured to do the hatchet job of disqualifying one of the candidates. If this happens, it would not be the first time in Nigeria the courts would be used to stop an election from taking its natural course. Disqualification of any of the candidates, even at this late hour will not, theoretically speaking, prevent the election from taking place but the consequences for Nigeria’s democracy will be dire, to put it mildly. It is unlikely the “winner” of such an election will take office on May 29th.

On the other hand, one of the more disturbing possibilities is that the general election as scheduled may not be allowed to hold. Many Nigerians do not believe the reasons advanced for the postponement of the election and entertain the fear that the postponement is a prelude to a more sinister plot to extend the life of President Jonathan’s administration without going to the polls. Among the scenarios that could unfold are:

The resident Invokes Section 135 Of the 1999 Constitution – Section 135 of the 1999 Constitution provides as follows:
“If the Federation is at war in which the territory of Nigeria is physically involved and the President considers that it is not practicable to hold elections, the National Assembly may by resolution extend the period of four years mentioned in sub-section (2) of this section from time to time; but no such extension shall exceed a period of six months at any time.”

The inexplicable failure of the Nigerian armed forces to contain the advances and atrocities of Boko Haram and the rapid seizure of territory by the sect, using weapons abandoned by our troops, had given rise to speculations that President Jonathan would rather extend his tenure by using insecurity as an excuse than hold election in 2015. This speculation gained greater momentum because Boko Haram’s successes were increasingly coinciding with the approach of the election. Then, in September 2014, Senate President David Mark, an influential member of President Jonathan’s kitchen cabinet, made a Freudian slip. Mark was reported to have said: “There is no question of election. It is not even on the table. We are in a state of war”. The statement had, naturally, attracted widespread condemnation. It is, therefore, not surprising that the rescheduling of the general election by INEC on grounds of insecurity had raised a red flag and reinforced the fear of tenure elongation.

It is reassuring that the Nigerian armed forces appear to be on the offensive in the last few weeks and reports of recapture of lost territory are now making the headlines. But war, being what it is, what if the six-week extension requested by the military to roll back Boko Haram does not achieve the desired results? What if Boko Haram regroups, launches a counteroffensive and forces our military to retreat? That would be very unlikely but not unusual or unheard of in a war situation. Will the election hold under these circumstances, considering the reasons given for the extension in the first place? Will this give President Jonathan the excuse to invoke Section 135 and extend his tenure by six months in the first instance as many Nigerians fear? If this happens, there is no doubt APC and most Nigerians will reject it. The crisis that will ensue may eventually have to be resolved on the streets.

Interim Government – Although President Jonathan had categorically ruled it out, powerful administration officials and vested interests outside of it are busy at work trying to abort the general election and put an interim government in place. By its nature and by precedent, an interim government in Nigeria will be short-lived and may be replaced by a military regime within a short time. This will definitely attract the interest of the international community, as military coups are no longer in fashion. It is also possible the international community could intervene before a coup takes place in the manner it did in Côte d’Ivoire. Howsoever this situation is resolved, the possibility of a downward spiral cannot be ruled out.

One of the Presidential Candidate Dies Unnaturally – There is a very slim, if improbable possibility one of the presidential candidates could die in an accident or in circumstances that could lead the public to suspect foul play. A PDP governor had raised a storm last month by suggesting General Muhammadu Buhari, the APC presidential candidate, could die if elected before the end of his term. Since then, this theme of death has remained a strain in the PDP campaign. Some fear this may be a preemptive alibi to “arrange” the death of the APC candidate before, not after, the election. If this happens, the election is not likely to hold and the nation may be plunged into chaos and a prolonged period of instability. This was how Rwanda’s slippery slope got out of control and how the actions of a few desperate politicians got the nation on its way to large-scale genocide.

None of these scenarios needs to crystallise. Nigeria had made a worthy investment in democracy in the last 16 years and is entitled to reap the fruits of its investment. However, the politics of the last six years have placed this investment in jeopardy. If Nigeria’s investment in democracy fails to bear fruit, it will not be the first time this has happened. Nigeria is still paying the price of the failed election of June 12, 1993. It will be more than tragic if we fail to learn from history and allow what happened two decades ago to repeat itself.

  • Mr. Ibrahim is the National Chairman of Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM).



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